The Bloody Fields of America Part II image
Commodor Edwin Ward Moore

Moore was born in Alexandria, Virginia. His grandfather and uncle had served in the American Revolution. Moore was a classmate of Robert E. Lee at the Alexandria Academy. In his early naval career, Moore entered the US Navy as a midshipman in 1825 at the age of fifteen. His first assignment came when he was posted to the USS Hornet, followed by stints on the Fairchild and the Delware. He saw active service on the Atlantic Coast and the Mediterranean Sea. In 1830, Moore was stationed at the Gosport Navy Yard and five years later was commissioned a lieutenant and assigned to the sloop-of-war Boston on July 1, 1836. While serving on the Boston, Moore saved the ship from sinking when it encountered heavy seas in a hurricane.

In September 1836, the Boston, captured the Texas privateer Terrible off the coast of New Orleans. The Texas ship was sent to Pensacola, Florida, on piracy charges. It is believed this contact with the Texans prompted Moore to re-evaluate his military career. Promotion within the U.S. Navy at this time was a slow process as many of the officers who served in the War of 1812 still held rank above Moore. Moore's Journey to and with the Republic's Navy

In 1839, Moore was accused of recruiting officers and up to eighty sailors from the Boston to join him in enlisting with the Republic of Texas Navy. Moore's cousin, Alexander Moore, confirmed this rumor to Commodore Charles Ridgley who forwarded the charges to the Secretary of the navy. On July 8, 1839, Moore resigned from the U.S. Navy to become commander of the Republic of Texas Navy. U.S. Secretary of the Navy, John Forsyth tried to bring charges against Moore based on his violation of the Neutrality Act of 1819, but Moore resigned his commission before any trial was held.

From 1840–1841 he sailed off the Mexican coast to hasten peace negotiations between the Republic of Texas and Mexico. On collapse of the negotiations, Moore returned to Texas and to the support of Texas President Mirabeau B. Lamar. Lamar signed a treaty with the Mexican state of Yucatan for the lease of the Texas navy for $8,000 per month and to protect their ports from being blockaded by the Mexican Navy. On September 18, 1840, Moore received orders to guard the Yucatán coast in conformity with the Texas-Yucatan Treaty and on December 13, 1840, left Galveston, Texas with three ships to join the small Yucatán fleet at Sisal, Yucatan under the command of former Texas Navy officer Captain James D. Boylan. Moore later captured the town of San Juan Bautista, Tabasco and then surveyed the Texas coast. His chart was later published by the British Admiralty.

Invasion to Tabasco

In September of 1840, Moore invaded the Mexican state of Tabasco in support to the Tabasco federalist forces, collaborating in the overthrow of the centralist governor José Ignacio Gutierrez, capturing the state capital San Juan Bautista on November 17, 1840. Subsequently, and due to a disagreement with the new federalist government, for the lack of a payment of $25,000 Mexican pesos promised to Moore, on December 14, 1840, he bombed the capital again, until he reached a new agreement with the Government of Tabasco for the payment of the debt. President Sam Houston. Upon becoming President of the Republic of Texas, Sam Houston suspended the treaty with the Yucatán and ordered the fleet to return to Texas. Houston was not a big supporter of the Texas Navy. When funds for naval repairs, approved by the Texas Congress, were withheld by Houston, Moore re-instated the treaty with the Yucatán in defiance of Houston's orders. Moore and two other Texas ships, along with a few from the Yucatán navy, engaged the Mexican fleet in May 1843 in the Battle of Campeche.
The Battle of Campeche began on April 30, and involved the Texas Yucatan force that had been attacking and clearing the Gulf of Mexico of Mexican merchant and fishing boats, against a small Mexican squadron which consisted of sailing ships and a small steamer, the Regenerator. The initial battle lasted a few hours and was a draw, as both sides retired.

After rearming, the Texan ships, including the 600 ton flagship Austin, on May 16 encountered a much stronger Mexican squadron, which included the modern 1200 ton ironclad steamships Guadalupe and the Moctezuma, armed with Paixhan's guns able to fire exploding shells, commanded by British officers and manned by British and Mexican seamen. After three hours of broadsides, the battle was essentially a draw, with both sides again withdrawing after sustaining considerable damage and casualties. The Texas ships suffered some physical damage, but the Mexican and British sailors suffered many more casualties of both dead and wounded.

The battle scene was memorialized by Samuel Colt in an engraving on the cylinder of the famed 1851 and 1861 Colt Navy Revolvers and the Colt 1860 Army Revolver. This was in expression of gratitude to Commodore Moore who in 1837 had purchased Colt Paterson Revolvers for the Republic of Texas Navy. By the time of the Battle of Campeche, however, Colt's enterprise was bankrupt. He would make a comeback in 1847 when under Colonel John C. Hays he was rescued from oblivion and put back to work making guns the Texas Rangers would use in the Mexican War.

The Mexican steamship Regenerator and its battered attendant squadron rejoined the Guadalupe and the Moctezuma flotilla about May 19, and withdrew from the area, the Texas squadron retired to Galveston. They were acclaimed as heroes on their return, even though Texas President Sam Houston had declared Commodore Moore and the ships' captains and crew pirates for sailing against his wishes.
However, after a court martial, Commodore Moore was acquitted of all piracy charges. Having fought the ironclad Mexican steamships essentially to a draw using only wooden sailing ships was an achievement for Commodore Moore, the Naval Battle of Campeche becoming the only naval battle in world history in which sailing ships held their own against steam-powered ships in combat.

Mexico's naval fleet consisted of the British-built ironclad steam powered warship the Guadalupe and was the most advanced fleet ever assembled in the Gulf of Mexico at that time. Their battle was determined a draw even though Mexico suffered high casualties. The Mexican government even coined a medal of bravery for their sailors. Mexican Commodore Francisco de Paula Lopez, a naval veteran, was recalled for his failure to defeat a smaller and out-gunned force and was court-martialed. End of career On January 16, 1843, the Texas Congress ordered the sale of the Texas fleet. On June 1, 1843, Moore and the fleet had received Houston's proclamation accusing them of disobedience and piracy and suspending Moore from the Texas Navy. Houston even went so far as to ask for any friendly nation to capture and execute the Texas fleet. Moore returned to Galveston on July 14 and turned himself in at the port of Menard's Wharf, a hero to the people of Texas, and demanded a trial.

Later years After the dissolution of the Texas Navy, Moore spent many years in prosecuting financial claims against Texas. In 1844 the Texas House of Representatives concluded that Moore was owed $26,510.41. He was paid, in installments, with the last payment coming in 1856. Moore married Emma Matilda Stockton Cox of Philadelphia in 1849. She was a distant cousin of Commodore Robert Stockton.
In 1850, Moore and other officers petitioned the U.S. Navy to recognize their rank as officers with the Texas Navy. The House Naval Affairs Committee supported their claim, but the US Supreme Court did not agree holding that when Texas joined the Union, only property, and not human beings, belonged to the United States. On March 3, 1857, Congress finally closed the books on Moore and the other officers by granting them five years of back pay at the salaries of corresponding U.S. Navy officers.

He was in New York City for a time attempting to perfect a machine to revolutionize marine engineering. His quarrel with Sam Houston over the justice of his suspension from the navy continued during Houston's term as US Senator. In 1860, Moore returned to Galveston, where he built the Galveston Customhouse. Moore died in New York City on October 5, 1865, of apoplexy, and is buried in the First Presbyterian Church of Germantown, PA.

Moore(s) also fought in the Spanish- American War, even some fought with the rough riders. During the American Civil War, there were about 9, 766 Moore(s) who served and fought for the Confederate Army, while 15,186 Moore(s) served with the Union Army. The Moore(s) on both sides fought in many bloodiest battles and campaign; even at famous, and well known battles, such as Gettysburg to name one.

The Clansmen fought in Global wars and World Wars

In a short of time period from 1914-1918 to 1939-1945 the world is plunge into darkness and evil. These two world wars put together has killed over sixty million people. For the first time in history clansmen of clan Muir all over the world is uniting to bring the light back into a world that is in darkness and to restore freedom and liberty throughout the world. More than twenty five thousand has answer the call in both wars.

Clansmen of WW1

During this bloody conflict, many Moore, Muir, Mure, More and many more served in the British, French, Canadian, Australian, British commonwealth and of course the United States. Since there are many of our clansmen who served in this conflict; we be going over few of our noble and brave soldiers. Some of our clansmen die from Illness and disease. Private William Moore, Cloyd, Roy Otto, Jeremiah, James T., Harry J and Benjamin A Moore(s) die from pneumonia, and William A. Moore die from heart problem. Other clansmen die in Action like Arthur Moore of company F of eighteen infantry of first division who was killed on July 21, 1918, and other Moores like Ralph H. Moore was killed on Feburary 9, 1918 at the battle of Meuse- Argonne, and Peter Moore killed during the Argonne Drive. There was also an Edmond Alferd Moore, Robert Webster Moir that fought at the Gallipoli campaign, but both were killed. Edmond was killed on May 19, 1915 and Robert was killed August 7, 1915. Captain Ralph Ingram Moore fought in the third Types on October 7, 1917.

Lt. Donald T. Moore

Donald Moore served in the Australian army in the great war. In August 28th he embarked to Egypt. He fought at Anzac cove and was wounded at the battle of Lone Pine. At this time he was promted to Captain and in February 24, 1916 he left for France in March. He engage in the battles of Fleurbaix, Pozieres during the Amiens offensive and was wounded again at the battle of Mouquet farm. Later on he was again promoted to Lt. Colonel and continue to served in the third battalion. He fought at Bullecourt, 3rd battle of Ypres, Lys and at Hindenburg outpost.

The Battle of Lone Pine

The width of the front of the attack was 160 yards (150 m) and the distance between the two trench lines was about 60–100 yards (55–91 m). To reduce the distance to be crossed, the Australians projected a number of tunnels towards the Ottoman trenches from The Pimple. Immediately after the attack, one of these tunnels was to be opened along its length to make a communications trench through which reinforcements could advance without having to cross the exposed ground. Some of the attackers would have to make the advance over open ground from the Australian trench line.

To provide some measure of protection for these men, three mines were set by engineers to make craters in which they could seek shelter. The preliminary bombardment was stretched over three days--initially confined to a limited "slow shoot", building up to a final intense bombardment an hour before the assault--and was successful in cutting much of the barbed wire that the Ottomans had placed in front of their position.

The preparation stage of the attack began at 2:00 p.m. on 6 August, when the Australians detonated the three
mines they had dug in front of the Ottoman lines, in an attempt to create cover for the advancing troops. Two and a half hours later the final heavy preliminary bombardment commenced, with Australian, British and New Zealand artillery batteries firing on the Ottoman trench line, while naval gunfire support from the British cruiser HMS Bacchante provided counter-battery fire on Ottoman artillery positioned along Third Ridge. Retreating into tunnels which had been cut as part of mining operations, the majority of the forward Ottoman troops were able to find shelter from the bombardment that lasted for an hour. While the artillery prepared the ground for the attack, behind the Australian lines the assault formations moved up towards The Pimple.

Smith sited his brigade headquarters at a position called "Brown's Dip", which was about 200 metres (220 yd) south of the firing line. Due to the small front along which the attack was to be launched, the initial assault was to be undertaken in three waves by the 2nd, 3rd and 4th Battalions while the 1st Battalion was to remain back at Brown's Dip in reserve, ready to be brought up to consolidate any gains or respond in the event of a counterattack. Once the 1st Battalion had taken up its position, the assault battalions moved through them towards the forward line at The Pimple.

Once the attack was launched, half the force would go via tunnels that had been dug out into no man's land, while the other half would simply go "over the top". By 5:00 p.m. all the troops had taken up their positions and as the barrage came to a conclusion, the tunnels were opened and final preparations were made. Each soldier in the first two waves had been issued a total of 200 rounds of ammunition for his rifle, along with rations for one day, and miscellaneous equipment including a gas mask.

The third wave had received the same amount of ammunition, but was also issued entrenching equipment that would be used to construct positions to defend the initial gains against the inevitable Ottoman counterattack. In support, each battalion had four Vickers medium machine-guns, which had been issued with 3,500 rounds, and contributed a platoon whose job would be to throw the 1,200 grenades that the brigade had been allocated for the attack. A small section of engineers was also allocated to undertake demolitions. At 5:30 p.m. the Australian 1st Infantry Brigade attacked as the first wave of 1,800 men threw themselves forward.

To their north, the troops of the 2nd Infantry Brigade laid down suppressing fire on the supporting Ottoman troops at Johnston's Jolly, while the 3rd Infantry and 2nd Light Horse Brigades held the line opposite Sniper's Ridge. Half the force went via the prepared tunnels and half crossed the exposed ground between the trench lines. Dubbed the "Daisy Patch", it amounted to a distance of about 100 metres (110 yd) and it was raked with Ottoman artillery and small arms fire. From his headquarters overlooking the fighting, the senior Ottoman commander Esad Pasa, began to co-ordinate the response, passing orders for reinforcements to be brought up and calling down artillery.

Casualties among the first wave of attackers were "relatively light" as the defenders in the front line of Ottoman trenches were still sheltering from the preliminary bombardment and had not had time to return to their fire steps after it had been lifted. When the Australians reached the Ottoman trenches they found them roofed with pine logs with no easy entrance, which had not been identified by aerial reconnaissance during the planning stages. As the Ottoman defenders recovered from the artillery barrage, they began firing at the Australians through specially cut holes at point blank range.

As the second and third waves of the attack came up, some of the Australians fired, grenaded and bayoneted from above, while some found their way inside through gaps or by lifting the logs, which were in places as thick as 4 inches (10 cm) by 9 inches (23 cm). Others ran on past to the open communications and support trenches behind, where they were able to gain access to the trenches; about 70 Ottoman troops were captured as they attempted to escape and ran into the Australians entering the trenches. Small groups of Australians managed to push through to the cup where they were stopped by Ottoman troops who were hastily assembled to defend their regimental headquarters. In the ensuing fighting there, almost all of the Australians were killed, while a handful were taken prisoner.

In the Ottoman trenches, the darkness and cramped conditions led to considerable confusion amongst the attackers. Due to concerns of shooting their comrades, the Australians were unable to fire their rifles initially, and the fighting devolved into a melee as the soldiers attacked each other with bayonets and grenades. The first Australians to enter the position were picked off by the defenders, but as the Australians established themselves in strength, they were able to break into the position before the defenders that had been sheltering in the tunnels behind the front line were able to fully respond. Over the space of half an hour the Australians took control of the position and, after ejecting the remaining Ottomans from the main trench, they established a number of defensive positions along the line.

These amounted to positions in the communication trenches on the flanks of the captured ground and about seven or eight posts in the centre that were "isolated" but connected by hastily dug saps. For the Australians, the attack had been successful, as they had gained possession of the main Ottoman line, and after being halted at The Cup they began preparing to defend their gains. Hastily erecting sandbag barriers along the parapet, they settled down to wait for the first counterattack.

As they did so, the brigade reserve--the 1st Battalion--was brought up. Due to crowding in the tunnels that had been used for the attack, the reinforcements were sent via the open ground that had been in front of the old Ottoman positions; despite being behind the recently captured position, the ground was still subjected to heavy Ottoman artillery and machine-gun fire, which was being poured down from positions in over watch on the flanks. Nevertheless, in company lots, the 1st Battalion moved up and began filling in the gaps between the assault battalions, while engineers from the 2nd Field Company began the task of extending the tunnels from The Pimple towards the new Australian line.

Shortly after dark, around 7:00 p.m., the first Ottoman counterattack came after a group from the 1st Battalion, 57th Regiment, under Major Zeki Bey, arrived to reinforce the battalions of the 47th. Attacking with hand grenades, the fighting took place in the complicated maze of the former Ottoman trench system. The close quarters meant that some of the grenades would travel back and forth up to three times before exploding. The Australians held the old Ottoman fire trench and had footholds deeper in Ottoman lines. They blocked the Ottoman communications trenches as best they could, often with the bodies of the dead, to thwart raids. Other bodies were moved to unused communication trenches and saps, and where possible the wounded were evacuated, however, the fighting was so intense, the conditions so cramped and the men so exhausted that in many cases they were left to lie at the bottom of the trench.

Throughout the night of 6/7 August, the Ottomans brought up reinforcements from the 5th Division's 13th Regiment under Ali Riza Bey, which marched from Kojadere, south-east of the position known to the Australians as "Scrubby Knoll". The 9th Division, under German Colonel Hans Kannengiesser,also received orders to begin moving towards Lone Pine from its position between Helles and Anzac from Esad Pasa. Although the 9th Division was later diverted, after 8:00 p.m. the 15th Regiment, from the 5th Division, under the command of Ibrahim Sukru, was committed to the fighting, moving south from its position around the Kurt Dere, near Chunuk Blair. For the next three days the Ottomans continued to launch incessant and ultimately unsuccessful counterattacks in an effort to recapture the ground they had lost. In total three regiments were dispatched.

The Australians also brought up reinforcements, moving up men from two battalions from the 2nd and 3rd Infantry Brigades--the 7th and 12th Battalions--to hold the 1st Brigade's gains. Throughout 7 August, the fighting devolved into a series of hand grenade duels. To keep up the supply, Australians put about 50 soldiers to work at Anzac Cove manufacturing makeshift grenades out of empty jam tins: over 1,000 were sent up to the 1st Infantry Brigade late on 7 August. The fighting continued throughout the night of 7/8 August as the 47th Regiment, launched a determined counterattack; suffering heavy casualties, including the regimental commander, Tewfik Bey, the attack was unsuccessful in retaking the main front-line trenches, but succeeded in regaining some of the ground in the north and also pushed the Australians back a little way from The Cup.

As Ali Riza Bey, the commander of the 13th Regiment, took charge of the Ottoman effort around Lone Pine, the grenading continued into the next day as the Ottomans began to prepare for a large-scale counterattack. Throughout the morning the remaining Australian positions overlooking The Cup were abandoned before the fighting stopped briefly as both the Australians and Ottomans evacuated their wounded and removed the dead from the front-line. By this time the 1st and 2nd Battalions, which had been defending the heavily counterattacked southern flank, had suffered so many casualties that they were withdrawn from the line, with the 7th Battalion moving into their positions late in the afternoon. The 3rd, 4th and 12th Battalions remained holding the north and centre of the Australian line.

Further attacks were mounted by the Ottomans all along the Australian line after 3:00 p.m., but after dark they focused their efforts on the 7th Battalion's position in the south; there the Ottomans succeeded in taking part of the Australian line late in the night, and fierce hand-to-hand fighting followed until early in the morning of 9 August as the Australians retook these positions. More grenade attacks were launched by Ottoman troops later that morning and as the Australian trenches were brought under fire from the Ottoman positions around Johnston's Jolly, an attack was launched at the junctions between the Australian battalions.

Achieving a break-in in the centre, they reached the 1st Infantry Brigade's headquarters--which had advanced forward from Brown's Dip following the initial gains--where the brigade commander, Smith, joined the defense that eventually drove them back. Around midday the Ottomans put in another attack, but this too was repulsed. The positions on the southern Australian flank continued to be subjected to grenading, so the 5th Battalion was brought up to relieve the 7th. The 2nd Battalion, having received a brief respite, also came forward, replacing the 4th Battalion with the support of a dismounted squadron from the 7th Light Horse Regiment. As the fresh units settled in, the Australians prepared for renewed fighting along the line. In the end, the expected attack never came and finally, late in the afternoon of 9 August, the Ottoman commanders called off further attempts to dislodge the Australians. The next day, the fighting "subsided" as both the Ottomans and the Australians worked to consolidate their positions.

The Battle of Pozières

Rawlinson planned to deliver another attack on a broad front on 18 July involving six divisions between the Albert–Bapaume road in the north and Guillemont in the south. Haig decided to transfer responsibility for Pozières to the Reserve Army of Lieutenant General Hubert Gough which had been holding the line north of the road since shortly after the opening of the offensive on 1 July. The attack was postponed until the night of 22–23 July. To Gough's army were attached the three Australian divisions of I Anzac Corps, which had begun moving from the Armentières sector.

The Australian 1st Division reached Albert on 18 July and despite the postponement of the offensive, Gough, who had a reputation as a "thruster", told the division's commander, Major General Harold Walker, "I want you to go in and attack Pozières tomorrow night". Walker, an experienced English officer who had led the division since Gallipoli, would have none of it and insisted he would attack only after adequate preparation. Consequently, the attack on Pozières once more fell in line with the Fourth Army's attack on the night of 22–23 July. The plan called for the Australian 1st Division to attack Pozières from the south, advancing in three stages half an hour apart, while north of the Albert–Bapaume road, the 48th (South Midland) Division (X Corps), would attack the German trenches west of the village.

The village and surrounding area was defended by elements of the 117th Division. Early on 22 July the Australian 9th Battalion attempted to improve its position by advancing up the O.G. Lines towards the road but was repulsed. The preparation for the attack involved a thorough bombardment of the village and the O.G. Lines lasting several days. The bombardment included phosgene and tear gas. The infantry were scheduled to attack at 12:30 a.m. on 23 July, with the Australian 1st and 3rd Brigades. The infantry crept into no man's land, close behind the bombardment and when it lifted the German trenches were rushed. The first stage took the Pozières trench that ringed the village to the south.

The second stage saw the Australians advance to the edge of the village, amongst what remained of the back gardens of the houses lining the Albert–Bapaume road. The third stage brought the line to the Albert–Bapaume road. The few survivors from the German garrison retreated to the northern edge of the village or into the O.G. Lines to the east. It was also intended that the O.G. Lines would be captured as far as the road but here the Australians failed, partly due to strong resistance from the German defenders in deep dugouts and machine gun nests and partly due to the confusion of a night attack on featureless terrain. The weeks of bombardment had reduced the ridge to a field of craters and it was virtually impossible to distinguish where a trench line had run.

The failure to take the O.G. Lines made the eastern end of Pozières vulnerable and so the Australians formed a flank short of their objectives. On the western edge of the village, the Australians captured a German bunker known as "Gibraltar". During 23 July, some Australians went prospecting across the road, captured a number of Germans and with minimal effort occupied more of the village. That night the 8th Battalion of the Australian 2nd Brigade, which had been in reserve, moved up and secured the rest of the village.
The attack of the 48th Division on the German trenches west of Pozières achieved some success but the main attack by the Fourth Army between Pozières and Guillemont was a costly failure.

Success on the Somme came at a cost which at times seemed to surpass the cost of failure, and for the Australians, Pozières was such a case. As a consequence of being the sole British gain on 23 July, Pozières became a focus of attention for the Germans. Forming as it did a critical element of their defensive system, the German command ordered that it be retaken at all costs. Three attempts were made on 23 July but each was broken up by the British artillery or swept away by machine gun fire.

Communication was as difficult for the Germans as it was for the British, and it was not until 7:00 a.m. 24 July that they discovered that Pozières had been captured. With British activity now declining elsewhere on its front, the German IV Corps opposite Pozières, was able to concentrate most of its artillery against the village and its approaches. Initially the bombardment was methodical and relentless without being intense. The western approach to the village, which led from Casualty Corner near the head of Sausage Valley, received such a concentration of shellfire that it was thereafter known as "Dead Man's Road". The German bombardment intensified on 25 July, in preparation for another counterattack. The German IX Corps relieved IV Corps and the commander cancelled the planned counterattack, choosing to concentrate on the defense of the O.G. Lines, which were the next objective of the British.

The bombardment reached a climax on 26 July and by 5:00 p.m. the Australians, believing an attack was imminent, appealed for a counter-barrage. The artillery of I Anzac Corps, II Corps and the guns of the two neighboring British corps replied. This in turn led the Germans to believe the Australians were preparing to attack and so they increased their fire yet again. It was not until midnight that the shelling subsided. At its peak, the German bombardment of Pozières was the equal of anything yet experienced on the Western Front and far surpassed the worst shelling previously endured by an Australian division. The Australian 1st Division suffered 5,285 casualties on its first tour of Pozières. When the survivors were relieved on 27 July, one observer said "They looked like men who had been in Hell... drawn and haggard and so dazed that they appeared to be walking in a dream and their eyes looked glassy and starey". — E. J. Rule On 24 July, once Pozières had been secured, General Gough pushed for immediate moves against the O.G. Lines north and east of the village.

The first task was to take the lines up to the Albert– Bapaume road; the original objectives which had not been captured. Attacking in the dark, only the Australian 5th Battalion found either of the O.G. trenches and it was counter-attacked by the German 18th Reserve Division. Simultaneously on the Australian's right, the British 1st Division made an attempt to capture Munster Alley, the section of the Switch Line where it intersected the O.G. Lines. A tumultuous bomb fight developed but only a small section of trench was held. Before it was withdrawn, the Australian 1st Division had attempted to prepare a jumping-off line for the assault on the O.G. Lines. The Australian 2nd Division took over the sector on 27 July and General Gough, eager for progress, pressed for an immediate attack.

The division's commander, General Gordon Legge, lacked the experience and confidence of General Walker and succumbed to pressure from Gough. On the night of 28–29 July, in conditions far less favourable than those experienced by the 1st Division on the night of 22–23 July, the 2nd Division was expected to attack. The remorseless German bombardment made effective preparations virtually impossible. The dust raised by the shelling prevented the Australian artillery observers from directing their field guns which were tasked with cutting the barbed wire entanglements. An attack by the British 23rd Division on Munster Alley dragged in the Australian 5th Brigade -- the ensuing bomb fight saw the British and Australian infantry expend over 15,000 grenades.

The main attack went ahead, scheduled to start at 12:15 a.m. on 29 July but the Australian 7th Brigade was late in reaching its start line and its movement was detected by the German defenders; when the attack commenced, the Australians were met by a hail of machine gun fire. South of the road the 5th Brigade remained pinned down, unable to even get started. On their left, north of the road, the 7th Brigade encountered uncut wire. On the northern flank some minor progress was made by the 6th Brigade but everywhere else the attack was a failure. Including the attack and the preceding day of preparation the 2nd Division lost over 3,500 men; the 7th Brigade had to be withdrawn to reserve, so great were its losses.

General Haig was disparaging of the division's failure, telling Lieutenant General William Birdwood, the I Anzac Corps commander, "You're not fighting Bashi-Bazouks now." General Legge and the I Anzac staff resolved to do the job properly. To avoid the confusion of a night advance, the plan was to attack at 9:15 p.m. just before dark at which time the crest of the ridge and the mound of the Pozières windmill would still be discernible. However, to attack at dusk meant assembling by day which was only possible to do in the protection of trenches. Therefore, a system of approach and assembly trenches had to be dug at night. Whenever the Germans detected digging parties, they mistook them for troops assembling to attack and called down a barrage. Originally the attack was to be made at dusk on 2 August but the trenches were as yet incomplete, the digging either being disrupted or the completed trenches demolished by shellfire. The attack was first postponed to 3 August and then to 4 August when the trenches were finally deemed ready.

This careful planning and preparation delivered success and when the 2nd Division went in, both O.G. Lines were captured. South of and astride the Albert–Bapaume Road the O.G. Lines had been so thoroughly obliterated by prolonged shelling that the Australians ended up advancing beyond their objectives. From their vantage in the O.G. Lines on the eastern edge of the Pozières ridge, the Australians now looked over green countryside, the village of Courcelette close by and the woods around Bapaume 5 miles (8.0 km) distant. The German commander ordered "At any price Hill 160 Pozières ridge must be recovered." By 5 August the brigades of the 2nd Australian Division were exhausted and were to be relieved by the 4th Australian Division. While the relief was underway on the night of 5–6 August the Australians were subjected to an extreme bombardment, because the salient they occupied could be shelled by the Germans from all directions, including from Thiepval which lay to the rear.

On the morning of 6 August, a German counter-attack tried to approach the O.G. Lines but was met by machine gun fire and forced to dig in. The bombardment continued through the day, by the end of which most of the 2nd Division had been relieved. From its twelve days in the line, the division had suffered 6,848 casualties. At 4:00 a.m. on 7 August, shortly before dawn, the Germans launched their final counter-attack.

On a front of 400 yards (370 m) they overran the thinly occupied O.G. Lines, catching most of the Australians in shelters in the old German dugouts and advanced towards Pozières. For the Australians, the crisis had arrived. At this moment, Lieutenant Albert Jacka, who had won the Victoria Cross at Gallipoli, emerged from a dugout where he and seven men of his platoon had been isolated, and charged the German line from the rear.

His example inspired other Australians scattered across the plateau to join the action and a fierce, hand-to-hand fight developed. Jacka was badly wounded but as support arrived from the flanks, the Australians gained the advantage and most of the surviving Germans were captured. No more attempts to retake Pozières were made. Since taking over the Pozières sector, General Gough's plan had been to drive a wedge behind (east of) the German fortress of Thiepval. Having secured Pozières and the neighbouring section of the O.G. Lines, the attack now moved to the next phase; a drive north along the ridge towards the German strong point of Mouquet Farm which protected the rear of Thiepval.

I Anzac Corps would carry the advance along the ridge while, on their left, II Corps would keep in line, systematically reducing the Thiepval salient. Initially the task fell to the 4th Australian Division, which had already suffered 1,000 casualties, resisting the final German counter-attack but both the Australian 1st and 2nd Divisions would be called on again, followed once more by the 4th Division. When the Australian ordeal on Pozières ridge was over in September, they were replaced by the Canadian Corps who held the sector for the remainder of the battle. The O.G. Lines east of the village became the Canadian start line for the Battle of Flers–Courcelette.

After the battle it became apparent that General Birdwood had lost much of his Gallipoli popularity through his failure to oppose Gough's impetuous desire for "quick results" and his "lack of thought" at Pozières. Soon after, Australian troops rejected his personal appeal for the introduction of conscription, voting against this recommendation largely because of their reluctance to see additional men subjected to the horrors of piecemeal attacks.

The Australians had suffered many losses in the Battle for Pozières in six weeks, as they had in the Gallipoli Campaign. Wilfrid Miles, the Official Historian, praised the initiative shown by small subunits of men in clearing the Germans from positions in the village but at the same time attributed much of the severity of losses to Australian inexperience and their "reckless daring." In the fighting around Pozières the 48th Division lost 2,844 casualties from 16–28 July and 2,505 more from 13 August. The 1st Australian Division lost 7,700 men, the 2nd Australian Division had 8,100 casualties and the 4th Australian Division lost 7,100 men. From 27 July – 13 August the 12th Division had 2,717 losses.

The Battle of Mouquet Farm

During the night of 10 August, parties of the 4th Australian Division of the I Anzac Corps, attacked towards the farm and managed to establish advanced posts in the valley south of the farm and to the east. Attacks were then made from a foothold in Fabeck Graben (Fabeck Trench) to the northeast and to deepen the salient near the farm. By 22 August, the 2nd Australian Division had made several more attempts on the farm and had realized that the main defensive position was underground, where the Germans had excavated the cellars to create linked dug-outs. On 3 September, the 4th Australian Division attacked again with the 13th Brigade and captured much of the surface remains of the farm and trenches nearby, with hand-to-hand fighting in the ruins and underground. German counter-attacks repulsed the Australians except from a small part of Fabeck Graben, for a loss of 2,049 Australian casualties.

During the battle, the I Anzac Corps divisions, advanced north-west along the Pozières ridge, towards the German strong point of Mouquet Farm, with British divisions supporting on the left. The approaches to the farm were visible to German artillery observers, who directed artillery-fire on the attackers, from three sides of the salient that had developed in the lines. Many casualties were caused to the attackers as they approached the farm and in August and into September, the Australian divisions were repulsed three times from the farm. The Canadian Corps relieved the I Anzac Corps on 5 September.

The Canadians captured part of the farm on 16 September and were then repulsed by a counterattack. By 25 September, further attacks had captured part of the farm on the surface but the Germans still held the cellars, dug-outs and tunnels beneath. The farm was captured on 26 September by the 34th Brigade of the 11th Division, in the general attack of the Battle of Thiepval Ridge. The 9th Lancashire Fusiliers bombed the exits of the underground positions and also managed to reach the second objective, at the west end of Zollern Trench, where German machine-gun nests had held up previous attacks.

The 6th East Yorkshire (Pioneers) overwhelmed the last defenders with smoke grenades and took 56 prisoners. In the fighting around Pozières and Mouquet Farm, the I Anzac Corps suffered c.  6,300 casualties. During its second period on the Somme, the 1st Australian Division lost 2,654 men, having already had 5,278 casualties in August. The 2nd Australian Division had 6,846 losses from 25 July – 7 August and 1,267 casualties from 23–29 August. From 29 July – 16 August the 4th Australian Division had 4,761 losses and 2,487 casualties from 27 August – 4 September.

The American Moores

Many Moore(s) fought brave and courageous in the US army and Marines. Private William F. Moore was killed at the battle of Belleau wood. Harold A Moore fought at the battle of Chateau Thierry and was killed, Jesse H. Moore fought at the battle of Contigny and was killed, Corporal Clark and Scott Moore fought at the battle of Argonne forest. Clark was killed on October 17, 1918 and Scott was killed in September 28, 1918, and Henry R. Moore was wounded at the Battle of Soission but unfortunately he die of his wounds that he received in this battle.

The Battle of Belleau Woods

On the evening of 1 June, German forces punched a hole in the French lines to the left of the Marines' position. In response, the U.S. reserve--consisting of the 23rd Infantry Regiment, the 1st Battalion, 5th Marines, and an element of the 6th Machine Gun Battalion--conducted a forced march over 10 kilometres (6.2 mi) to plug the gap in the line, which they achieved by dawn. By the night of 2 June, the U.S. forces held a 20 kilometres (12 mi) front line north of the Paris-Metz Highway running through grain fields and scattered woods, from Triangle Farm west to Lucy and then north to Hill 142. The German line opposite ran from Vaux to Bouresches to Belleau. German commanders ordered an advance on Marigny and Lucy through Belleau Wood as part of a major offensive, in which other German troops would cross the Marne River.

The commander of the Marine Brigade, Army General James Harbord, countermanding a French order to dig trenches further to the rear, ordered the Marines to "hold where they stand". With bayonets, the Marines dug shallow fighting positions from which they could fight from the prone position. In the afternoon of 3 June, German infantry attacked the Marine positions through the grain fields with bayonets fixed. The Marines waited until the Germans were within 100 yd (91 m) before opening deadly rifle fire which mowed down waves of German infantry and forced the survivors to retreat into the woods. Having suffered heavy casualties, the Germans dug in along a defensive line from Hill 204, just east of Vaux, to Le Thiolet on the Paris-Metz Highway and northward through Belleau Wood to Torcy.

After Marines were repeatedly urged to turn back by retreating French forces, Marine Captain Lloyd W. Williams of the 2nd Battalion, 5th Marines uttered the now-famous retort "Retreat? Hell, we just got here". Williams' battalion commander, Major Frederic Wise, later claimed to have said the famous words. On 4 June, Major General Bundy--commanding the 2nd Division--took command of the American sector of the front. Over the next two days, the Marines repelled the continuous German assaults. The 167th French Division arrived, giving Bundy a chance to consolidate his 2,000 yards (1,800 m) of front.

Bundy's 3rd Brigade held the southern sector of the line, while the Marine brigade held the north of the line from Triangle Farm. At 03:45 on 6 June, the Allies launched an attack on the German forces, who were preparing their own strike. The French 167th Division attacked to the left of the American line, while the Marines attacked Hill 142 to prevent flanking fire against the French. As part of the second phase, the 2nd Division were to capture the ridge overlooking Torcy and Belleau Wood, as well as occupying Belleau Wood. However, the Marines failed to scout the woods. As a consequence, they missed a regiment of German infantry dug in, with a network of machine gun nests and artillery.

At dawn, the Marine 1st Battalion, 5th Marines--commanded by Major Julius Turrill-- was to attack Hill 142, but only two companies were in position. The Marines advanced in waves with bayonets fixed across an open wheat field that was swept with German machine gun and artillery fire, and many Marines were cut down. Captain Crowther commanding the 67th Company was killed almost immediately. Captain Hamilton and the 49th Company fought from wood to wood, fighting the entrenched Germans and overrunning their objective by 6 yards (5.5 m). At this point, Hamilton had lost all five junior officers, while the 67th had only one commissioned officer alive. Hamilton reorganized the two companies, establishing strong points and a defensive line.

In the German counter-attack, then-Gunnery Sergeant Ernest A. Janson--who was serving under the name Charles Hoffman--repelled an advance of 12 German soldiers, killing two with his bayonet before the others fled; for this action he became the first Marine to receive the Medal of Honor in World War I. Also cited for advancing through enemy fire during the counter-attack was then-Marine Gunner Henry Hulbert. The rest of the battalion now arrived and went into action.

Turrill's flanks lay unprotected and the Marines were rapidly exhausting their ammunition. By the afternoon, however, the Marines had captured Hill 142, at a cost of nine officers and most of the 325 men of the battalion. At 17:00 on 6 June, the 3rd Battalion 5th Marines (3/5)--commanded by Major Benjamin S. Berry, and the 3rd Battalion 6th Marines (3/6)--commanded by Major Tyler M. Meyer, on their right--advanced from the west into Belleau Wood as part of the second phase of the Allied offensive. Again, the Marines had to advance through a waist-high wheat field into deadly machine gun fire.

One of the most famous quotations in Marine Corps history came during the initial step-off for the battle when Gunnery Sergeant Dan Daly, a recipient of two Medals of Honor who had served in the Philippines, Santo Domingo, Haiti, Peking and Vera Cruz, prompted his men of the 73rd Machine Gun Company forward with the words: "Come on, you sons of bitches, do you want to live forever?" The first waves of Marines--advancing in well-disciplined lines--were slaughtered; Major Berry was wounded in the forearm during the advance.

On his right, the Marines of Major Meyer's 3/6 Battalion swept into the southern end of Belleau Wood and encountered heavy machine gun fire, sharpshooters and barbed wire. Marines and German infantrymen were soon engaged in heavy hand-tohand fighting. The casualties sustained on this day were the highest in Marine corps history up to that time. Some 31 officers and 1,056 men of the Marine brigade were casualties. However, the Marines now had a foothold in Belleau Wood. The battle was now deadlocked. At midnight on 7–8 June, a German attack was stopped cold and an American counter-attack in the morning of 8 June was similarly defeated. Meyer's battalion-- having sustained nearly 400 casualties --was relieved by the 1st Battalion, 6th Marines. Major Shearer took over the 3rd Battalion, 5th Marines for the wounded Berry.

On 9 June, an enormous American and French barrage devastated Belleau Wood, turning the formerly attractive hunting preserve into a jungle of shattered trees. The Germans counter-fired into Lucy and Bouresches and reorganized their defenses inside Belleau Wood. In the morning of 10 June, Major Hughes' 1st Battalion, 6th Marines--together with elements of the 6th Machine Gun Battalion--attacked north into the wood. Although this attack initially seemed to be succeeding, it was also stopped by machine gun fire. The commander of the 6th Machine Gun Battalion --Major Cole--was mortally wounded. Captain Harlan Major--senior captain present with the battalion--took command.

The Germans used great quantities of mustard gas. Wise's 2nd Battalion, 5th Marines was ordered to attack the woods from the west, while Hughes continued his advance from the south. At 04:00 on 11 June, Wise's men advanced through a thick morning mist towards Belleau Wood, supported by the 23rd and 77th companies of the 6th Machine Gun Battalion, and elements of the 2nd Battalion, 2nd Engineers and were cut to pieces by heavy fire. Platoons were isolated and destroyed by interlocked machine gun fire. It was discovered that the battalion had advanced in the wrong direction. Rather than moving northeast, they had moved directly across the wood's narrow waist. However, they smashed the German southern defensive lines. A German private, whose company had 30 men left out of 120, wrote "We have Americans opposite us who are terribly reckless fellows." Overall, the woods were attacked by the Marines a total of six times before
they could successfully expel the Germans.

They fought off parts of five divisions of Germans, often reduced to using only their bayonets or fists in hand-to-hand combat. On 26 June, the 3rd Battalion, 5th Marines, under command of Major Maurice E. Shearer, supported by two companies of the 4th Machine Gun Battalion and the 15th Company of the 6th Machine Gun Battalion, made an attack on Belleau Wood, which finally cleared that forest of Germans. On that day, Major Shearer submitted a report simply stating, "Woods now U.S. Marine Corps entirely,"ending one of the bloodiest and most ferocious battles U.S. forces would fight in the war. United States forces suffered 9,777 casualties, included 1,811 killed. Many are buried in the nearby Aisne-Marne American Cemetery. There is no clear information on the number of German soldiers killed, although 1,600 were taken prisoner.

After the battle, the French renamed the wood "Bois de la Brigade de Marine" ("Wood of the Marine Brigade") in honor of the Marines' tenacity. The French government also later awarded the 4th Brigade the Croix de guerre. An official German report classified the Marines as "vigorous, self-confident, and remarkable marksmen ..."General Pershing--commander of the AEF--even said, "The deadliest weapon in the world is a United States Marine and his rifle." Pershing also said "the Battle of Belleau Wood was for the U.S. the biggest battle since Appomattox and the most considerable engagement American troops had ever had with a foreign enemy." Legend and lore has it that the Germans used the term "Teufelshunde" ("devil dogs") for the Marines.

However this has not been confirmed, as the term was not commonly known in contemporary German. The closest common German term would be "Höllenhunde" which means "hellhound "Regardless of the term's origin, ten years after the battle, Lieutenant Colonel Ernst Otto, from the Historical Section of the German Army, wrote this about the Marine Corps, "Their fiery advance and great tenacity were well recognized by their opponents.

The Battle of Argonne Forest

The American attack began at 5:30 a.m. on September 26 with mixed results. The V and III Corps met most of their objectives, but the 79th Division failed to capture Montfaucon, the 28th "Keystone" Division was virtually ground to a halt by formidable German resistance, and the 91st "Wild West" Division was compelled to evacuate the village of Épinonville though it advanced eight kilometers. The green 37th "Buckeye" Division failed to capture Montfaucon d'Argonne. The subsequent day, September 27 most of 1st Army failed to make any gains. The 79th Division finally captured Montfaucon and the 35th "Sante Fe" Division captured the village of Baulny, Hill 218, and Charpentry, placing the division forward of adjacent units.

On September 29, six extra German divisions were deployed to oppose the American attack, with the 5th Guards and 52nd Division counterattacking the 35th Division, which had run out of food and ammunition during the attack. The Germans initially made significant gains but were barely repulsed by the 35th Division's 110th Engineers, 128th Machine Gun Battalion and Harry Truman's Battery D, 129th Field Artillery. In the words of Pershing, "We were no longer engaged in a maneuver for the pinching out of a salient, but were necessarily committed, generally speaking, to a direct frontal attack against strong, hostile positions fully manned by a determined enemy."

The German counterattack had shattered so much of the 35th Division, a poorly led division (most of its key leaders were replaced shortly before the attack) made up of National Guard units from Missouri and Kansas, that it had to be relieved early - though remnants of the division subsequently reentered the battle. Part of the adjacent French attack met temporary confusion when one of its generals died, however it was able to advance nine miles, penetrating deeply into the German lines, especially around Somme-Py (the Battle of Somme-Py (French: Bataille de Somme-Py)) and northwest of Reims (the Battle of Saint-Thierry (French: Bataille de Saint-Thierry)).

The initial progress of the French forces was thus faster than the two to five miles gained by the adjacent American units (however, the French units were fighting in a more open terrain, which is easier to attack). The second phase of the battle began on 4 October, during which time all of the original phase one assault divisions (the 91st, 79th, 37th and 35th) of the U.S. V Corps were replaced by the 32nd, 3rd and 1st Divisions. The 1st Division created a gap in the lines when it advanced one and a half miles against the 37th, 52nd, and 5th Guards Divisions. It was during this phase that the Lost Battalion affair occurred. The battalion was rescued due to an attack by the 28th and 82nd Divisions (the 82nd attacking soon after taking up its positions in the gap between the 28th and 1st Divisions) on October 7.

The Americans launched a series of costly frontal assaults that finally broke through the main German defenses (the Kriemhilde Stellung of the Hindenburg Line) between 14–17 October (the Battle of Montfaucon (French: Bataille de Montfaucon)). By the end of October, US troops had advanced ten miles and had finally cleared the Argonne Forest. On their left the French had advanced twenty miles, reaching the Aisne River. It was during the opening of this operation, on October 8, that Corporal (later Sergeant) Alvin York made his famous capture of 132 German prisoners near Cornay. By October 31, the Americans had advanced 15 kilometers and had finally cleared the Argonne Forest. On their left the French had advanced 30 kilometers, reaching the River Aisne.

The American forces reorganized into two armies. The First, led by General Liggett, would continue to move to the Carignan-Sedan-Mezieres Railroad. The Second Army, led by Lieutenant General Robert L. Bullard, was directed to move eastward towards Metz. The two U.S. armies faced portions of 31 German divisions during this phase. The American troops captured German defenses at Buzancy, allowing French troops to cross the River Aisne, whence they rushed forward, capturing Le Chesne (the Battle of Chesne (French: Bataille du Chesne)). In the final days, the French forces conquered the immediate objective, Sedan and its critical railroad hub (the Advance to the Meuse (French: Poussée vers la Meuse)), on November 6 and American forces captured surrounding hills. On November 11, news of the German armistice put a sudden end to the fighting.

Moores of WW2

Once again a world war began with Nazi Germany invading into Poland and continue to push all the way to France. While all of Europe, and Northern Africa is under Nazi control, while in Asia and pacific is under control by the Japaneses. The only hope for Europe survive is Great Britain. Britain is indeed the last of the free in Europe, and a desperate fight over British airspace. Arthur Robert Moore, Peter John Moore, William Roy Moore, William Storey Moore, and James Winter Carmichael More fought for the Royal Air force at the Battle of Britain. John Moore living in Glasgow during the Battle of Britain became a civilian ambulance and medic during this battle. He ran into building that were on fire and bombs being drop; he was rewarded with the George cross. James Newton Rodney Moore fought in ww2 as a general staff officer of the first guards armored division. He was at operation Overlord and Market Garden. There was a Len Moore who fought with the second battalion king's royal rifles, 2nd corps of North Africa from 1941 to 1943. He was at the battle of the second battle of El Alamein.

The Battle of Britain

Göring ordered attacks on aircraft factories on 19 August 1940; on 23 August 1940 he ordered that RAF airfields be attacked. That evening an attack was mounted on a tyre factory in Birmingham. Raids on airfields continued through 24 August, and Portsmouth was hit by a major attack. That night, several areas of London were bombed; the East End was set ablaze and bombs landed on central London. Some historians believe that these bombs were dropped accidentally by a group of Heinkel He 111s which had failed to find their target; this account has been contested. In retaliation, the RAF bombed Berlin on the night of 25–26 August, and continued bombing raids on Berlin. Göring's pride was hurt, as he had previously claimed the British would never be able to bomb the city. The attacks enraged Hitler, who ordered retaliatory attacks on London. From 24 August onwards, the battle was a fight between Kesselring's Luftflotte 2 and Park's 11 Group.

The Luftwaffe concentrated all their strength on knocking out Fighter Command and made repeated attacks on the airfields. Of the 33 heavy attacks in the following two weeks, 24 were against airfields. The key sector stations were hit repeatedly: Biggin Hill and Hornchurch four times each; Debden and North Weald twice each. Croydon, Gravesend, Rochford, Hawkinge and Manston were also attacked in strength. Coastal Command's East church was bombed at least seven times because it was believed to be a Fighter Command aerodrome. At times these raids caused some damage to the sector stations, threatening the integrity of the Dowding system. To offset some losses, some 58 Fleet Air Arm fighter pilot volunteers were seconded to RAF squadrons, and a similar number of former Fairey Battle pilots were used. Most replacements from Operational Training Units (OTUs) had as little as nine hours flying time and no gunnery or air-to-air combat training.

At this point, the multinational nature of Fighter Command came to the fore. Many squadrons and personnel from the air forces of the Dominions were already attached to the RAF, including top level commanders – Australians, Canadians, New Zealanders, Rhodesians and South Africans. In addition, there were other nationalities represented, including Free French, Belgian and a Jewish pilot from the British mandate of Palestine. They were bolstered by the arrival of fresh Czechoslovak and Polish squadrons. These had been held back by Dowding, who mistakenly thought non-English speaking aircrew would have trouble working within his control system: Polish and Czech fliers proved to be especially effective.

The prewar Polish Air Force had lengthy and extensive training, and high standards; with Poland conquered and under brutal German occupation, the pilots of No. 303 (Polish) Squadron, the highest-scoring Allied unit, were strongly motivated. Josef František, a Czech regular airman who had flown from the occupation of his own country to join the Polish and then French air forces before arriving in Britain, flew as a guest of 303 Squadron and was ultimately credited with the highest "RAF score" in the Battle of Britain.

The RAF had the advantage of fighting over home territory. Pilots who bailed out of their downed aircraft could be back at their airfields within hours, while if low on fuel and/or ammunition they could be immediately rearmed. One RAF pilot interviewed in late 1940 had been shot down five times during the Battle of Britain, but was able to crash land in Britain or bail out each time. For Luftwaffe aircrews, a bailout over England meant capture – in the critical August period, almost exactly as many Luftwaffe pilots were taken prisoner as were killed– while parachuting into the English Channel often meant drowning or death from exposure. Morale began to suffer, and [Kanalkrankheit] ("Channel sickness") – a form of combat fatigue – began to appear among the German pilots. Their replacement problem became even worse than the British.

The turning point was when the Germans stop attacking their objective and started to bomb the cities. The united States enter ww2 when Japan did a surprise attack on Pearl Harbor. It had killed over two thousand Americans including Clyder C., Douglas C., James C., Fred Kenneth Moore(s), Lionel Jay Moorhead, William Starks Moorhouse, and Russell Lee Moorman. All this did was to awaken a sleeping giant, which ended badly for the Axis forces.

War with Japan

At the same time the Japanese invaded the Philippines and many Americans fought the Japanese from taking over the Philippines. This battle was known as the Battle of Bataan. Major General George Fleming Moore and few other clansmen did everything they could to hold off the Japanese. Some were killed and some were taken prisoners and they went on a death march. There was also Ulvert Matthew Moore fought at the battle of Midway. MacAthur use the tactics of Island hoping. Lt. Paul Moore who fought at the battle of Guadalcanal, and another Terry Moore fought at the battle of Okinawa. Many Moores fought at the battle of Iwo Jima.

The Battle of Iwo Jima

The American amphibious invasion of Iwo Jima during World War II stemmed from the need for a base near the Japanese coast. Following elaborate preparatory air and naval bombardment, three U.S. marine divisions landed on the island in February 1945. Iwo Jima was defended by roughly 23,000 Japanese army and navy troops, who fought from an elaborate network of caves, dugouts, tunnels and underground installations.

Despite the difficulty of the conditions, the marines wiped out the defending forces after a month of fighting, and the battle earned a place in American lore with the publication of a photograph showing the U.S. flag being raised in victory.

The American amphibious invasion of Iwo Jima, a key island in the Bonin chain roughly 575 miles from the Japanese coast, was sparked by the desire for a place where B-29 bombers damaged over Japan could land without returning all the way to the Marianas, and for a base for escort fighters that would assist in the bombing campaign. Iwo Jima was defended by roughly 23,000 Japanese army and navy troops, and it was attacked by three marine divisions after elaborate preparatory air and naval bombardment (sixty-eight hundred tons of bombs, twenty-two thousand shells).

The battle was marked by changes in Japanese defense tactics–troops no longer defended at the beach line but rather concentrated inland; consequently, the marines experienced initial success but then got bogged down in costly attritional warfare. The Japanese fought from an elaborate network of caves, dugouts, tunnels, and underground installations that were difficult to find and destroy. Except for 1,083 prisoners (two of whom did not surrender until 1951) the entire garrison was wiped out. American losses included 5,900 dead and 17,400 wounded. Amongest those that were killed were Clarence E, Cletis O, Clyde S., Cornelius, Edward N. Jr, Frank J., Harris F, John T and John W, and Robert, all of their surname was Moore, and James R. Moorman.

War with Germany

While the Marines are fighting the Japs, the Army took on Germany. There was a Colonel Moore at the battle of Kasserine Pass. An elite group called the Devil's brigade was made up of Americans and Canadians in a joint special force group. There were Lt. Colonel Robert S. Moore, Captain Paul B. Moore Jr, and Lt J.D. Moore who fought in the Italian campaign. This was the beginning of the destruction of the Nazi empire, when the allies forces attack Normandy or as the operation nickname Overlord or D-Day. Captain Rory Moore, Bud Moore, private Ken Moore and other clansmen fought in this deadly battle.

Rory, Bud Moore and other clansmen landed at the beach of Utah beach, some on Omaha beach, sword beach and other landings. Captain Rory Moore Jr fought at the battles of D-Day landings, liberation of Angers, St. Calais, Verdan, and Fort Driant. There is also Mohrs who fought for Nazi, Germany but some Mohrs went into the German resistances.

Johann Mohr was a U-boat commander operating in the Atlantic ocean. He fought at the battle of Atlantic. Towards the end of the war for Germany; the Germans made a last efforts to push the allies back in a battle called the Battle of the Bulge. George Moore and few other Moores fought at the Battle of the Bulge.

The battle of Atlantic

Mohr joined the Reichsmarine in 1934. After serving as first Watch Officer (second-in command) to Georg- Wilhelm Schulz in U-124 on three patrols, in September 1941 he assumed command of the U-boat on six patrols, and sank 27 merchant ships, for a total of 129,292 GRT of Allied shipping. This includes four ships from Convoy ONS-92 sunk on the night of 12 May 1942, totalling 21,784 tons. Mohr also sank the British light cruiser HMS Dunedin and the Free French covette Mimosa. Mohr was killed when U-124 was sunk with all hands on 2 April 1943 about 500 km (270 nmi) west of Oporto, Portugal, by the British corvette HMS Stonecrop and the sloop HMS Black Swan.

After the end of world war two; a new threat is emerging known as the cold war. A war between communist and democratic. The Americans and their allies fought in Korea and Vietnam. Once again the Moore were at the front. There was also an Albert Moore who fought in the Boxer rebellion, while serving the US Marines in North China, and he fought at the battle of Peking.

The Korean War

The Korean war was actually a civil war between the North and the South to see, weather or not if communist or democratic will be the form of government they will have. The Chinese and Russians supports North Korea, while the US and it's allies support South Korea. There are supposely one hundred and twenty three Moores that were killed in Korea. There was a David Moore in a tank battalion at the battle of Chosin Reservoir. There was also a Colonel Devinis M. Moore. Also Johnny Moore fought at the battle of Pusan and also at the battle of Yalu river. There was a Robert H. Moore and Lonnie R. Moore were American aces.

Battle of Peking

The assault on Peking had taken on the character of a race to see which national army achieved the glory of relieving the Legations.The commanders of the four national armies agreed that each of them would assault a different gate. The Russians were assigned the most northerly gate, the Tung Chih (Dongzhi); the Japanese had the next gate south, the Chi Hua (Chaoyang); the Americans, the Tung Pein (Dongbien); and the British the most southern, the Sha Wo (Guangqui). The French apparently were left out of the planning. The gate assigned to the Americans was nearest to the Legation Quarter and they seemed to have the best opportunity to reach the legations first. However, the Russians violated the plan, although it is uncertain whether it was intentional or not. An advance Russian force arrived at the Americans' assigned gate, the Dongbien, about 3:00 a.m. on 14 August. They killed 30 Chinese soldiers outside the gate and blasted a hole in the door with artillery.

Once inside the gate, however, in the courtyard between the inner and outer doors, they were caught in a murderous crossfire that killed 26 Russians and wounded 102. The survivors were pinned down for the next several hours. When the Americans arrived at their assigned gate that morning they found the Russians already engaged there and they moved their troops about 200 yards south. Once there, Trumpeter Calvin P. Titus volunteered to climb the 30-foot-tall wall, which he did successfully. Other Americans followed him, and at 11:03 a.m. the American flag was raised on the wall of the Outer city. The Americans exchanged fire with Chinese soldiers on the wall and then climbed down the other side and headed west toward the Legation Quarter in the shadow of the wall of the Inner city.

Meanwhile, the Japanese had encountered stiff resistance at their assigned gate and were subjecting it to an artillery barrage. The British had an easier time of it, approaching and passing through their gate, the Shawo or Guangqui, with virtually no opposition. Both Americans and British were aware that the easiest entry into the Legation Quarter was through the so-called Water Gate, a drainage canal running beneath the wall of the Inner city. The British got there first. They waded through the muck of the canal and into the Legation Quarter and were greeted by a cheering throng of the besieged, all decked out in their "Sunday best". The Chinese soldiers ringing the Legation Quarter fired a few shots, wounding a Belgian woman, and then fled.

It was 2:30 p.m on 14 August. The British had not suffered a single casualty all day, except one man who died of sunstroke. About 4:30 p.m., the Americans arrived in the Legation Quarter. Their casualties for the day were one man killed and nine wounded, plus one man badly injured in a fall while climbing the wall. One of the wounded was Smedley Butler who would later become a general and the most famous Marine of his era. The Russian, Japanese and French forces entered Peking that evening as Chinese opposition melted away. The Siege of the Legations was over. The next morning, 15 August, Chinese forces – probably Dong Fuxiang's Gansu Muslim troops – still occupied parts of the wall of the Inner City and the Imperial and Forbidden Cities. Occasional shots were directed toward the foreign troops. General Chaffee, the American commander, ordered his troops to clear the wall and occupy the Imperial City.

With assistance from the Russians and French, American artillery blasted its way through a series of walls and gates into the Imperial City, halting the advance at the gates of the Forbidden City. American casualties for the day were seven killed and 29 wounded. One of those killed was Capt. Henry Joseph Reilly, 54 years old and born in Ireland, a renowned artilleryman. The Dowager Empress, Cixi, the emperor and several members of the court fled Peking in the early morning of 15 August, only a few hours before the Americans knocked up against the wall of the Forbidden City. She, dressed as a peasant woman, and the Imperial party slipped out of the city in three wooden carts. Chinese authorities called her flight to Shanxi province a "tour of inspection".

Remaining in Peking to deal with the foreigners, and holed up in the Forbidden City, were trusted aides to the Dowager, including Jung Lu (Ronglu), commander of the army and her friend since childhood. At Zhengyang Gate the Muslim Kansu Braves engaged in a fierce battle against the Alliance forces.The commanding Muslim general in the Chinese army, General Ma Fulu, and four cousins of his were killed in while charging against the Alliance forces while a hundred Hui and Dongxiang Muslim troops from his home village in total died in the fighting at Zhengyang.

After the battle was over, the Kansu Muslim troops, including General Fuxiang, were among those guarding the Empress Dowager during her flight. The future Muslim General Ma Biao, who led Muslim cavalry to fight against the Japanese in the Second Sino- Japanese war, fought in the Boxer Rebellion under General Ma Haiyan as a private in the Battle of Peking against the foreigners. General Ma Haiyan died of exhaustion after the Imperial Court reached their destination, and his son Ma Qi took over his posts. Ma Fuxing also served under Ma Fulu to guard the Qing Imperial court during the fighting. The relief of the siege at the Peitang did not take place until 16 August. Japanese troops stumbled across the Cathedral that morning but, without a common language, they and the besieged were both confused. Shortly, however, French troops arrived and marched into the Cathedral to the cheers of the survivors.

On 17 August, the representatives of the foreign powers met and recommended that "as the advance of the foreign troops into the Imperial and Forbidden Cities had been obstinately resisted by the Chinese troops", the foreign armies should continue to fight until "the Chinese armed resistance within the City of Peking and the surrounding country was crushed". They also declared "that in the crushing of the armed resistance lies the best and only hope of the restoration of peace". On 28 August, the foreign armies in Peking – swelled in numbers by the arrival of soldiers from Germany, Italy and Austria and additional troops from France – marched through the Forbidden City to demonstrate symbolically their complete control of Peking. Chinese authorities protested their entry. Foreigners and most Chinese were prohibited from setting foot in the Forbidden City. However, the Chinese gave way when the foreign armies promised not to occupy the Forbidden City but threatened to destroy it if their passage was disputed.

Battle of Hill 282

This battle took place on September 23 during the Korean war, and involved the 1st Battalion Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders in an assault on this position as part an operation by 27th British commonwealth Brigade on the Naktong River. On September 22, 1950, the Battalion of Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders moved up to attack Hill 282 near Songju. Starting before dawn on September 23, B and C Companies after an hour's climb seized the crest of Hill 282 surprising there a North Korean force at breakfast. Across a saddle, and nearly a mile away to the southwest, higher Hill 388 dominated the one they had just occupied. C Company started toward it. But North Korean troops occupying this hill already were moving to attack the one just taken by the British.

The North Koreans supported their attack with artillery and mortar fire, which began falling on the British.
The action continued throughout the morning with North Korean fire increasing in intensity. Shortly before noon, with American artillery fire inexplicably withdrawn and the five supporting U.S. tanks unable to bring the North Koreans under fire because of terrain obstacles, the Argylls called for an air strike on the North Korean-held Hill 388. Just after noon the Argylls heard the sound of approaching planes. ThreeF-51 Mustangs of the 18th fighter bomber wing circled Hill 282 where the British displayed their white recognition panels. The North Koreans on Hill 388 also displayed white panels.

To his dismay, Captain Radcliff of the tactical air control party was unable to establish radio contact with the flight of F-51's. Suddenly, at 12:15, the Mustangs attacked the wrong hill; they dropped napalm bombs onto the Argylls position and also strafed them with 50 calibre machine gun fire. The terrible tragedy was over in two minutes and left the hilltop a sea of orange flame.

Survivors plunged fifty feet down the slope to escape the burning napalm. Major Kenneth Muir, second in command of the Argylls, who had led an ammunition resupply and litter-bearing party to the crest before noon, watching the flames on the crest die down, noticed that a few wounded men still held a small area on top. Acting quickly, he assembled about thirty men and led them back up the hill before approaching North Koreans reached the top. There, two bursts of automatic fire mortally wounded him as he and Maj. A. I. Gordon-Ingram, B Company commander, fired a 2-inch mortar. Muir's last words as he was carried from the hilltop were "The Gooks will never drive the Argylls off this hill". But the situation was hopeless. Gordon-Ingram counted only ten men with him able to fight, and some of them were wounded. His three Bren guns were nearly out of ammunition. At 15:00 the survivors were down at the foot of the hill.

The next day a count showed 2 officers and 11 men killed, 4 officers and 70 men wounded, and 2 men missing for a total of 89 casualties; of this number, the mistaken air attack caused approximately 60. Kenneth Muir was rewarded with the highest honors; the victory cross.

The Vietnam War

Many Moore and other clansmen have fought in this war and many have given their lives. In all 195 Moore(s), 7 Muir, Moreland, Mora, four Moorhead, three Moorman, two Morelock and one Moorhouse were killed in Vietnam. Sargent Alexander D. Moore of the 2nd Bomb wing. Lt. General Hal Moore, and many other thousand Moore served and fought in Vietnam. There was a Ronald D. Moore fought at the battles of 1st Siagon, Hamburg Hill, Eastertide offensive, Sieges of Khe Sanh and the fall of Siagon.

The Battle of La Drang

At 10:48 on November 14, the first elements of Bravo Company of the 1st Battalion/7th Cavalry touched down at LZ X-Ray, following around 30 minutes of bombardment via artillery, aerial rockets, and air strikes. Accompanying Captain John Herren's Bravo Company were Moore and his command group. Instead of attempting to secure the entire landing zone with such a limited force, most of Bravo was kept near the center of the LZ as a strike force, while smaller units were sent out to reconnoiter the surrounding area. B3 Field Front Command fell for the subterfuge, decided to postpone the attack of Pleime camp and met the new threat with its 7th and 9th Battalions.

Following their arrival, Herren ordered Bravo to move west past the creek bed. Within approximately 30 minutes, one of his squads under Sergeant John Mingo surprised and captured an unarmed soldier of the 33rd PAVN Regiment. The prisoner revealed that there were three North Vietnamese battalions on the Chu Pong Mountain – an estimated 1,600 North Vietnamese troops compared to fewer than 200 American soldiers on the ground at that point. At 11:20, the second lift of the battalion arrived, with the rest of Bravo Company and one platoon of Alpha Company, commanded by Captain Tony Nadal.

Fifty minutes later, the third lift of American forces arrived, consisting of most of Alpha Company. Alpha took up positions to the rear and left flank of Bravo along the dry creek bed, and to the west and to the south facing perpendicular down the creek bed. At 12:15, the first shots were fired on Bravo Company's three platoons that were patrolling the jungle northwest of the dry creek bed. Five minutes later, Herren ordered his 1st Platoon under Lieutenant Al Devney and 2nd Platoon under Lieutenant Henry Herrick to advance abreast of each other, and the 3rd (under Lieutenant Dennis Deal) to follow as a reserve unit. Devney's platoon led approximately 100 yards (91 m) west of the creek bed, with Herrick's men to his rear and right flank. Just before 13:00, Devney's platoon was heavily assaulted on both flanks by the North Vietnamese, taking casualties and becoming pinned down in the process.

It was around this point that Herrick radioed in that his men were taking fire from their right flank, and that he was pursuing a squad of communist forces in that direction. In pursuit of the North Vietnamese on his right flank, Herrick's platoon was quickly spread out over a space of around 50 meters, and became separated from the rest of the battalion by approximately 100 meters. Soon, Herrick radioed in to ask whether he should enter or circumvent a clearing that his platoon had come across in the bush.

Herrick expressed concerns that he might become cut off from the battalion if he tried to skirt the clearing and therefore would be leading his men through it in pursuit of the enemy. An intense firefight quickly erupted in the clearing; during the first three or four minutes his platoon suffered no casualties and inflicted heavy losses on the North Vietnamese who streamed out of the trees. Herrick soon radioed in that the enemy were closing in around his left and right flanks. Captain Herren responded by ordering Herrick to attempt to link back with Devney's 1st Platoon. Herrick replied that there was a large force between his men and 1st Platoon.

The situation quickly disintegrated for Herrick's 2nd Platoon, which began taking casualties as the North Vietnamese attack persisted. Herrick ordered his men to form a defensive perimeter on a small knoll in the clearing. Within approximately 25 minutes, five men of 2nd Platoon were killed, including Herrick who radioed Herren that he was hit and was passing command over to Sergeant Carl Palmer. Herrick gave vital instructions to his men before he died, including orders to destroy the signals codes and call in artillery support. Sergeant Ernie Savage assumed command after Sergeant Palmer and Sergeant Robert Stokes were killed. The platoon was technically under the command of Sergeant First Class Mac McHenry, who was positioned elsewhere on the perimeter. Savage assumed command by virtue of being close to the radio and began the process of calling in repeated bombardments of artillery support around the platoon's position.

By this point, eight men of 2nd Platoon had been killed and 13 wounded. Under Savage's leadership, and with the extraordinary care of platoon medic Charlie Lose, the men held the knoll for the duration of the battle at X-Ray. Specialist Galen Bungum of Herrick's Platoon later said of the stand at the knoll: "We gathered up all the full magazines we could find and stacked them up in front of us. There was no way we could dig a foxhole. The handle was blown off my entrenching tool and one of my canteens had a hole blown through it. The fire was so heavy that if you tried to raise up to dig you were dead. There was death and destruction all around."Sergeant Savage later recalled of the repeated PAVN assaults: "It seemed like they didn't care how many of them were killed. Some of them were stumbling, walking right into us. Some had their guns slung and were charging bare-handed.

I didn't run out of ammo – had about thirty magazines in my pack. And no problems with the M16. An hour before dark three men walked up on the perimeter. I killed all three of them 15 feet away." With Herrick's platoon cut off and surrounded, the rest of the battalion fought to maintain a perimeter. At 13:32, Charlie Company under Captain Bob Edwards arrived, taking up positions along the south and southwest facing the mountain. At around 13:45, through his Operations Officer flying above the battlefield (Captain Matt Dillon), Moore called in air strikes, artillery, and aerial rocket artillery on the mountain to prevent the North Vietnamese from advancing on the battalion's position. Lieutenant Bob Taft's 3rd Platoon of Alpha Company confronted approximately 150 Vietnamese soldiers advancing down the length and sides of the creek bed (from the south) toward the battalion.

3rd Platoon's troops were told to drop their packs and move forward for the assault. The resulting exchange was particularly costly for 3rd Platoon -- its lead forces were quickly cut down. 3rd Platoon was forced to pull back, and Taft was killed. Sergeant Lorenzo Nathan, a Korean War veteran, took command and 3rd Platoon was able to halt the PAVN advance down the creek bed. The PAVN forces shifted their attack to 3rd Platoon's right flank in an attempt to flank Bravo. Their advance was quickly stopped by Lieutenant Walter Marm's 2nd Platoon (Alpha Company) situated on Bravo's left flank. Moore had ordered Captain Nadal to lend Bravo one of his platoons, in an effort to allow Herren to attempt to fight through to Herrick's position. From Marm's new position, his men killed some 80 PAVN troops with a close range machine gun, rifle, and grenade assault. The PAVN survivors who were not mown down made their way back to the creek bed, where they were cut down by additional fire from the rest of Alpha Company.

Lieutenant Taft's dog tags were discovered on the body of a PAVN soldier who had been killed by 3rd Platoon. Upset that Taft's body had been left on the battlefield amidst the chaos, Nadal and his radio operator, Sergeant Jack Gell, brought Taft and the bodies of other Americans back to the creek bed under heavy fire.At 14:30 hours, the last troops of Charlie Company arrived, along with the lead elements of Delta Company under Captain Ray Lefebvre. The insertion took place with intense PAVN fire pouring into the LZ, and the Huey crews and newly arrived Battalion forces suffered many casualties. The small contingent of Delta took up position on Alpha's left flank. Charlie Company, assembled along the south and southwest in full strength, was met within minutes by a head-on assault.

Edwards radioed in that an estimated 175 to 200 PAVN troops were charging his company's lines. With a clear line of sight over their sector of the battlefield, Charlie Company was able to call in and adjust heavy ordnance support with precision, inflicting devastating losses on the Vietnamese forces. Many PAVN soldiers were burned to death as they scrambled from their bunkers in a hasty retreat only to meet a second barrage of artillery shells. By 15:00 the attack had been quelled, and the PAVN ended up withdrawing from the assault approximately one hour after it had been launched. At approximately the same time, Alpha and the lead elements of Delta (which had accompanied Alpha at the perimeter in the vicinity of the creek bed) were met by a fierce PAVN attack.

Covering the critical left flank from being rolled up by the North Vietnamese were two of Alpha's machine gun crews positioned 75 yards (69 m) southwest of the company's main position. Specialist Theron Ladner (with his assistant gunner Private First Class Rodriguez Rivera) and Specialist 4 Russell Adams (with a-gunner Specialist 4 Bill Beck) had positioned their guns 10 yards (9.1 m) apart, and proceeded to pour heavy fire into the Vietnamese forces attempting to cut into the perimeter between Charlie and Alpha companies.

Moore later credited the two gun teams with preventing the PAVN from rolling up Alpha Company and driving a wedge into the battalion between Alpha and Charlie. Adams and Rivera were severely wounded in the onslaught. After the two were carried to the battalion's collection point at Moore's command post to await evacuation by air, Beck, Ladner, and Private First Class Edward Dougherty (an ammo-bearer) continued their close range suppression of the Vietnamese advance. Beck later said of the battle: "When Doc Nall was there with me, working on Russell, fear, real fear, hit me. Fear like I had never known before.

Fear comes, and once you recognize it and accept it, it passes just as fast as it comes, and you don't really think about it anymore. You just do what you have to do, but you learn the real meaning of fear and life and death. For the next two hours I was alone on that gun, shooting at the enemy." Delta's troops also experienced heavy losses in repelling the PAVN assault, and Captain Lefebvre was wounded soon after arriving to X-Ray. One of his platoon leaders, Lieutenant Raul Taboada was also severely wounded, and Lefebvre passed command to Staff Sergeant George Gonzales (who, unknown to Lefebvre, had also been wounded).

While medical evacuation helicopters were supposed to transport the battalion's growing casualties, only two were evacuated by medevacs before the pilots called off their mission under intense fire from the PAVN. Casualties were loaded onto the assault Hueys (lifting the battalion's forces to X-Ray), whose pilots carried load after load of wounded from the battlefield. Battalion intelligence officer Captain Tom Metsker (who had been wounded) was fatally hit when helping his wounded comrade Ray Lefebvre aboard a Huey.

Captain Edwards ordered Sergeant Gonzales to position Delta Company on Charlie's left flank, extending the perimeter to cover the southeast side of X-Ray. At 15:20, the last of the battalion arrived, and Lieutenant Larry Litton assumed command of Delta. It was during this lift that one Huey, having approached the LZ too high, crash-landed on the outskirts of the perimeter near the command post (those on board were quickly rescued by the battalion). With Delta's weapons teams on the ground, its mortar units were massed with the rest of the battalion's in a single station to support Alpha and Bravo. Delta's reconnaissance platoon (commanded by Lieutenant James Rackstraw) was positioned along the north and east of the LZ, establishing a 360-degree perimeter over X-Ray.

Had the PAVN forces circled around to the north of the U.S. positions prior to this point, they would have found their approach unhindered.As the PAVN attack on Alpha Company diminished, Moore organized for another effort to rescue Herrick's lost platoon. At 15:45, Moore ordered Alpha and Bravo to evacuate their casualties and pull back from engagement with the enemy. Shortly after, Alpha and Bravo began their advance toward Herrick's lost platoon from the creek bed. The force quickly suffered casualties. At one point, Bravo's advance was halted by a firmly entrenched North Vietnamese machine gun position at a large termite hill. After firing a light anti tank weapon into it with no effect, Lieutenant Marm attacked the position single-handedly. Under fire, Marm charged the Vietnamese gun, eliminating it with grenade and rifle fire. The following day, a dozen dead PAVN troops (including one officer) were found in the position.

Marm was wounded in the neck and jaw in the assault and was later awarded the medal of honor for his lone assault. The second push had advanced just over 75 yards (69 m) toward the lost platoon's position before reaching a stalemate with the PAVN. At one point, the PAVN were firing on Alpha's 1st Platoon (which was leading the advance and was at risk of becoming separated from the battalion) with an American M60 machine gun that had been taken off a dead gunner of Herrick's platoon. The stalemate lasted between 20 and 30 minutes before Nadal and Herren requested permission to withdraw back to X-Ray (to which Moore agreed).

Near 17:00 hours the lead elements of Bravo Company of the 2nd Battalion/7th Cavalry (the "sister battalion" of the 1st/7th under Moore) arrived at LZ X-Ray to reinforce the embattled battalion. In preparation for a defensive position to last the night, Moore ordered Bravo's (2nd/7th) commander Captain Myron Diduryk to place two of his platoons between Bravo (1st/7th) and Delta on the northeast side of the perimeter. Diduryk's 2nd Platoon was used to reinforce Charlie Company's position (which was stretched over a disproportionately long line). By nightfall, the battle had taken a heavy toll on Moore's battalion. Bravo had taken 47 casualties (including one officer), and Alpha had taken 34 casualties (including three officers).
Charlie Company was comparatively healthy (having taken only four casualties).

The American forces were placed on full alert throughout the night. Under the light of a bright moon, the Vietnamese probed every company on the perimeter (with the exception of Delta) in small squad-sized units. The Americans exercised some level of restraint in their response. The M60 gun crews, tactically positioned around the perimeter to provide for multiple fields of fire, were told to hold their fire until otherwise ordered (so as to conceal their true location from the PAVN). The lost platoon under Sergeant Savage's command suffered three sizable assaults of the night (one just before midnight, one at 03:15, and one at 04:30). The PAVN, using bugles to signal their forces, were repelled from the knoll with artillery, grenade, and rifle fire. The lost platoon survived the night without taking additional casualties.

Just before dawn at 06:20, Moore ordered his companies to put out reconnaissance patrols to probe for North Vietnamese forces. At 06:50, patrols from Charlie Company's 1st Platoon (under Lieutenant Neil Kroger) and 2nd Platoon (under Lieutenant John Geoghegan) had advanced 150 yards (140 m) from the perimeter before coming into contact with PAVN troops. A firefight broke out, and the patrols quickly withdrew to the perimeter. Shortly after, an estimated 200-plus North Vietnamese troops charged 1st and 2nd platoons on the south side of the perimeter. Heavy ordnance support was called in, but the PAVN were soon within 75 yards (69 m) of the battalion's lines.

Their fire began to cut through Charlie Company's positions and into the command post and the American lines across the LZ. 1st and 2nd platoons suffered significant casualties in this assault, including Kroger and Geoghegan. Geoghegan was killed while attempting to rescue one of his wounded men, Private First Class Willie Godboldt (who died of his wounds shortly thereafter).

Two M60 crews (under Specialist James Comer and Specialist 4 Clinton Poley, Specialist 4 Nathaniel Byrd, and Specialist 4 George Foxe) were instrumental in suppressing the North Vietnamese advance from completely overrunning Geoghegan's lines. Following this attack, Charlie's 3rd Platoon was soon met with a PAVN assault. Captain Edwards was wounded, and Lieutenant John Arrington assumed command of the company and was himself quickly wounded. Command then passed to Platoon Sergeant Glenn A. Kennedy. At 07:45, the PAVN launched an assault on Crack Rock, near its connection with the beleaguered Charlie Company. Enemy fire started to penetrate the battalion command post, which suffered several wounded (including Moore's own radio operator, Specialist 4 Robert Ouellette). Under heavy attack on three sides, the battalion fought off repeated waves of PAVN infantry.

It was during this battle that Specialist Willard Parish of Charlie Company, situated on Delta's lines, earned a silver star for suppressing an intense Vietnamese assault in his sector. After expending his M60 ammunition, Parish resorted to his .45 sidearm to repel PAVN forces that advanced within 20 yards (18 m) of his foxhole. After the battle, over 100 dead North Vietnamese troops were discovered around Parish's position.

As the battle along the southern line intensified, Lieutenant Charlie W. Hastings (USAF liaison forward air controller), was instructed by Moore (based on criteria established by the USAF) to transmit the code phrase "Broken Arrow", which relayed that an American combat unit was in danger of being overrun. In so doing, Hastings was calling on all available support aircraft in the country to come to the battalion's defense, drawing on a significant arsenal of heavy ordnance support.

On Charlie Company's broken lines, PAVN troops walked the lines for several minutes, killing wounded Americans and stripping their bodies of weapons and other items. It was around this time, at 07:55, that Moore ordered his lines to throw colored smoke grenades over the lines to identify the battalion's perimeter. Aerial fire support was then called in on the PAVN at close range – including those along Charlie Company's lines. Shortly after, Moore's command post was subjected to a friendly fire incident. Two F-100 Super Sabre jets approached X-Ray to drop napalm inadvertently on American lines. Seeing the approaching F-100's about to drop their bombs dangerously close on the American positions, Hastings frantically radioed for the two jets to abort the attack and change course.

The pilot of the second approaching F-100 complied and disengaged, but the ordnance from the first F-100 had already been dropped. Despite Hastings' best efforts, several Americans were wounded and killed by this air stike. Reporter Joe Galloway who helped carry one of the wounded men, who died two days later, to an aid station tried to attach a name to the death occurring around him, discovering that this particular soldier's name was PFC Jimmy Nakayama of Rigby, Idaho, who had been a second lieutenant in the National Guard. Galloway would later share how that same week Nakayama became a father.

Galloway also noted "[a]t LZ XRay 80 men died and 124 were wounded, many of them terribly," and that the death toll for the entire battle was 234 Americans killed and perhaps as many as 2,000 North Vietnamese soldiers. At 09:10, the first elements of Alpha Company of the 2nd Battalion of the 7th Cavalry under Captain Joel Sugdinis arrived at X-Ray. Sugdinis' forces reinforced the remains of Charlie Company's lines. By 10:00, the North Vietnamese had begun to withdraw from the battle – although occasional fire continued to harass the battalion. Charlie Company, having inflicted scores of losses on the PAVN, had suffered 42 Killed in action (KIA) and 20 wounded in action (WIA) over the course of the two-and-ahalf-hour assault. Lieutenant Rick Rescorla of Diduryk's Bravo Company later remarked after having policed up the battlefield in Charlie Company's sector following the assaults: "There were American and PAVN bodies everywhere.

My area was where Lieutenant Geoghegan's platoon had been. There were several dead PAVN around his platoon command post. One dead trooper was locked in contact with a dead PAVN, hands around the enemy's throat. There were two troopers – one black, one Hispanic – linked tight together. It looked like they had died trying to help each other." Given the tempo of combat at LZ X-Ray and the losses being suffered, other units of the 1st Cavalry Division planned to land nearby and then move overland to X-Ray. The 2nd Battalion of the 5th Cavalry was to be flown into LZ Victor, about 3.5 kilometers east-southeast of LZ X-Ray.

They flew in at 08:00 and quickly organized to move out, the trip taking about 4 hours. Most of this was uneventful until they were approaching X-Ray. At about 10:00, some 800 yards (730 m) to the east of the LZ, the 2nd/7th's Alpha company received some light fire and had to set up a combat front. At 12:05, Lt. Col Tully's forces of the 2nd/5th battalion had arrived at the LZ.

Because the 2nd/5th Battalion stealthily closed in the battlefield by foot instead of by heli-lift, B3 Field Front was unaware that the opponent troop ratio had switched from 2:2 to 3:2. Using a plan devised by Moore, Tully commanded Bravo/1st/7th and his own Alpha/2nd/5th and Charlie/2nd/5th companies in a third major effort to relieve the lost platoon under Sergeant Ernie Savage. Making use of fire support, the relief force slowly but successfully made its way to the knoll without encountering PAVN elements. 2nd Platoon had survived but at a significant cost; out of the 29 men, nine were KIA and a further 13 WIA. At around 15:30, the relief force began to encounter sniper fire and began the process of carrying the wounded and dead of the lost platoon back to X-Ray.

The expanded force at XRay, consisting of Moore's weakened 1st Battalion of the 7th, Tully's 2nd Battalion of the 5th, and one company of the 2nd Battalion of the 7th consolidated at X-Ray for the night. At the LZ, the wounded and dead were evacuated, and the remaining American forces dug in and fortified their lines. At precisely 16:00, B-52's first wave of carpet bombings fell at YA 8702 (about 7 kilometers west of LZ X-Ray) and would carry on for 5 consecutive days at YA 8607, YA 9007, YA 8600 and YA 9000 on the same day; at YA 8305, YA 8505 and YA 8400 on November 16; at YA 9401 (LZ X-Ray), YA 9301, YA 8900 and YA 8901 on November 17; at YA 9201, YA 9208 and YA 9408 on November 18; at YA 9009, YA 9208, YA 90069 and YA 9206 on November 19; at YA 8306, YA 8506, YA 8303 and YA 8503 on November 20.

This Arc Light operation at Chu Pong had been on J3/MACV study desk since September 1965. It was executed by General DePuy, J3 Chief/MACV in coordination with II Corps Command. While the American lines at X-Ray were harassed at various times during the night by PAVN probes, it was shortly before 04:00 that grenade booby traps and trip flares set by Captain Diduryk's Bravo Company began to erupt. At 04:22, the PAVN launched a fierce assault against Diduryk's men. Bravo fought off this attack by an estimated 300 PAVN in minutes. A decisive factor in this stand, in addition to rifle and machine gun fire from Bravo's lines, was the skilled placement of artillery strikes by Diduryk's forward observer, Lieutenant Bill Lund.

Making use of four different artillery batteries, Lund organized fire into separate concentrations along the battlefield, with devastating consequences for the waves of advancing PAVN. The PAVN repeated their assault on Diduryk's lines some 20 minutes after the first, as flares dropped from American C-123 Provider aircraft flying above illuminated the battlefield to Bravo's advantage. For around 30 minutes, Bravo fought off the PAVN advance with a combination of small arms and Lund's skilled organization of artillery strikes. Shortly after 05:00, a third attack was launched against Diduryk's forces, which was repelled by Lieutenant James Lane's platoon within 30 minutes.

At almost 06:30, the PAVN launched yet another attack on Diduryk's men – this time in the vicinity of the company command post. Again, Lund's precision in ordering artillery strikes cut down scores of PAVN forces, while Diduryk's men repelled those who survived with rifle and machine gun fire. At the end of these attacks, with daybreak approaching, Diduryk's Bravo Company had only six lightly wounded among its ranks – with none killed. By the morning of November 16, around 10:30 a.m., 1st/7th Cav. received order to withdraw from the battle zone while the 2nd/7th Cav. and 2nd/5th Cav. took up defensive positions for the night.

The intention was to reassure the PAVN side in seeing that the opponent troop ratio has been reverting to 2:2. At the LZ X-Ray battle, the PAVN did not have anti-aircraft weapons and heavy mortars and had to resort to using the "human waves" tactic: "The enemy has lost nearly all their heavy crew-served weapons during the first phase ... Their tactics relied mostly on the "human waves"". The battle was ostensibly over. The PAVN forces had suffered hundreds of casualties and were no longer capable of a fight. U.S. forces had suffered 79 killed and 121 wounded and had been reinforced to levels that would guarantee their safety.

Given the situation there was no reason for the U.S. forces to stay in the field, their mission was complete and arguably a success. Moreover, Col. Brown, in overall command, was worried about reports that additional PAVN units were moving into the area over the border. He wanted to withdraw the units, but General Westmoreland demanded that the 2nd/7th Cav. and 2nd/5th Cav stay at X-Ray to catch the enemy by surprise with a B-52 airstrike. The U.S. reported the bodies of 634 NVA soldiers were found in the vicinity. The U.S. estimated that 1,215 NVA were killed a distance away by artillery and airstrikes.

Six North Vietnamese soldiers were captured. Six PAVN crew-served weapons and 135 individual weapons were captured, and an estimated 75–100 weapons were destroyed. The normal ratio of enemy soldiers killed to weapons captured as later established by the Department of Defense was 3 or 4 to one. The next day, the two remaining battalions abandoned LZ X-Ray and began a tactical march to new landing zones, 2nd/5th under Lt. Col. Bob Tully to LZ Columbus about 4 km (2 mi) to the northeast, and 2nd/7th under Lt. Col. Robert McDade to LZ Albany about 4 km (2 mi) to the northnortheast, close to the Ia Drang. Air Force B-52 were on their way from Guam, and their target for the 3rd day of bombing was the slopes of the Chu Pong massif and LZ X-Ray itself. The U.S. ground forces had to move outside a two-mile (3 km) safety zone by midmorning to be clear of the bombardment. Tully's men moved out at 09:00; McDade's followed ten minutes later.

The first indication of enemy presence was observed by the point units of the American column, the point squad of the reconnaissance platoon under Staff Sergeant Donald J. Slovak, who saw "Ho Chi Minh sandal foot markings, bamboo arrows on the ground pointing north, matted grass and grains of rice."After marching about 2,000 meters, Alpha Company leading the 2nd/7th headed northwest, while the 2nd/5th continued on to LZ Columbus. Alpha Company came upon some grass huts which they were directed to burn.

At 11:38, Bob Tully's men, the 2nd/5th, were logged into its objective, LZ Columbus. Communist troops in the area consisted of the 8th Battalion, 66th Regiment, the 1st Battalion 33rd Regiment, and the headquarters of the 3rd Battalion, 33rd Regiment, of the PAVN. While the 33rd Regiment's battalions were understrength from casualties incurred during the battle at the Special Forces Plei Me camp, the 8th was General Chu Huy Man's reserve battalion, fresh and rested.

Alpha Company soon noticed the sudden absence of air cover and their commander, Captain Joel Sugdinis wondered where the aerial rocket artillery choppers were. He soon heard the sound of distant explosions to his rear; the B-52's were making their bombing runs on the Chu Pong massif. Lieutenant D. P. (Pat) Payne, the recon platoon leader, was walking around some termite hills when he suddenly came upon a North Vietnamese soldier resting on the ground. Payne jumped on the PAVN trooper and took him prisoner. Simultaneously, about ten yards away, his platoon sergeant captured a second PAVN soldier. Other members of the PAVN recon team may have escaped and reported to the headquarters of the 1st Battalion, 33rd Regiment.

The North Vietnamese then began to organize an assault on the American column. As word of the capture reached him, Lt. Col. McDade ordered a halt as he went forward from the rear of the column to interrogate the prisoners personally. The POWs were policed up about a hundred yards from the southwestern edge of the clearing called Albany, the report of which reached division forward at Pleiku at 11:57.

McDade then called his company commanders forward for a conference; most of whom were accompanied by their radio operators. Alpha Company moved forward to LZ Albany; McDade and his command group were with them. Following orders, the other company commanders were moving forward to join McDade. Delta Company, which was next in the column following Alpha Company, was holding in place; so was Charlie Company which was next in line. Battalion Headquarters Company followed, and Alpha Company of the 1st Battalion, 5th Cavalry brought up the rear of the column. The American column was halted in unprepared, open terrain, and strung out in 550-yard (500 m) line of march.Most of the units had flank security posted, but the men were worn out from almost sixty hours without sleep and four hours of marching. The elephant grass was chest-high so visibility was limited. The column's radios for air or artillery support were with the company commanders.

An hour and ten minutes after the PAVN recon soldiers were captured, Alpha Company and McDade's command group had reached the Albany clearing. McDade and his group walked across the clearing and into a clump of trees. Beyond that clump of trees was another clearing. The remainder of the battalion was in a dispersed column to the east of the LZ. Battalion Sergeant Major James Scott and Sergeant Charles Bass then attempted to question the prisoners again. While they were doing this, Bass heard Vietnamese voices, and the interpreter confirmed that these were PAVN talking. Alpha Company had been in the LZ about five minutes. Right about then, small arms fire erupted.

Lt. Pat Payne's reconnaissance platoon had walked to within 200 yards (180 m) of the headquarters of PAVN's 3rd Battalion, 33rd Regiment; the 550-man strong 8th Battalion, 66th Regiment had been bivouacked off to the northeast of the American column. As the Americans rested in the tall grass, North Vietnamese soldiers were coming towards them by the hundreds. It was 13:15.

The close quarters, intense battle lasted for sixteen hours. North Vietnamese forces first struck at the head of the 2nd Battalion column and rapidly spread down the right or east side of the column in an L-shaped ambush. PAVN troops ran down the length of the column, with units peeling off to attack the outnumbered Americans, engaging in intense, brutal close-range and hand-to-hand combat. McDade's command group made it into the clump of trees between the two clearings that constituted LZ Albany.

They took cover from rifle and mortar fire within the trees and termite hills. The reconnaissance platoon and the Alpha Company 1st Platoon provided initial defense at the position. By 13:26, they had been cut off from the rest of the column; the area whence they had come was swarming with PAVN soldiers. While they waited for air support, the Americans holding Albany drove off assaults by PAVN troopers and sniped at the exposed enemy wandering around the perimeter. It was later discovered that North Vietnamese were mopping up, looking for Americans wounded in the tall grass and killing them.

All the while the noise of battle could be heard in the woods as the other companies fought for their lives. The 2nd Battalion, 7th Cavalry had been reduced to a small perimeter at Albany composed of survivors of Alpha Company, the recon platoon, survivors from the decimated Charlie and Delta Companies and the command group. There was also a smaller perimeter at the rear of the column about 500–700 yards due south: Captain George Forrest's Alpha Company, 1st Battalion, 5th Cavalry. Captain Forrest had run a gauntlet all the way from the conference called by McDade back to his company when the PAVN mortars started coming in.

Charlie and Alpha companies lost a combined 70 men in the first minutes. Charlie Company suffered 45 dead and more than 50 wounded, the heaviest casualties of any unit that fought on Albany. Air Force A-1E Skyraiders soon provided much-needed support, dropping napalm bombs. However, because of the fog of war and the inter-mixing of both American and North Vietnamese troops, it is likely that the air and artillery strikes killed not just PAVN, but Americans as well. At 14:55, Bravo Company, 1st Battalion, 5th Cavalry under Captain Buse Tully began marching from LZ Columbus to the rear of the 2nd Battalion, 7th Cavalry column that was about two miles (3 km) away. By 16:30, they came into contact with the Alpha Company perimeter under Captain Forrest. A one-helicopter landing zone was secured, and the wounded were evacuated.

Captain Tully's men then began to push forward towards where the rest of the ambushed column would be. PAVN troopers contested their advance, and the Americans came under fire from a wood line. Tully's men assaulted the tree line and drove off the North Vietnamese. At 18:25, orders were received to secure into a twocompany perimeter for the night. They planned to resume the advance at daybreak. At around 16:00, Captain Myron Diduryk's Bravo Company, 2nd Battalion, 7th Cavalry, veterans of the fight at LZ X-Ray, got the word that they would be deployed in the Battalion's relief. At 18:45 the first helicopters swept over the Albany clearing and the troopers deployed into the tall grass.Lieutenant Rick Rescorla, the sole remaining platoon leader in Bravo Company, led the reinforcements into the Albany perimeter, which was expanded to provide better security.

The wounded at Albany were evacuated at around 22:30 that evening, the helicopters receiving intense ground fire as they landed and took off. The Americans at Albany then settled down for the night. The next day, Friday, November 18 dawned on the battlefield. The Americans began to police up their dead. This task took the better part of the day and the next, as American and North Vietnamese dead were scattered all over the field of battle. Rescorla described the scene as, "a long, bloody traffic accident in the jungle."While policing the battlefield, Rescorla recovered a large, battered, old French army bugle from a dying PAVN soldier. The Americans finally left Albany for LZ Crooks at 13°40′5.6″N 107°39′10″E, six miles (10 km) away, on November 19, and started Operation Silver Bayonet II in support of Operation Than Phong 7 conducted by the ARVN Airborne Group comprising 5 battalions.

The battle at LZ Albany cost the Americans 155 men killed or missing and 124 wounded.One American, Toby Braveboy, was recovered on November 24 when he waved down a passing H-13 scout helicopter. About half of some 300 American deaths in the 35-day Operation Silver Bayonet happened in just this one fight that lasted 16 hours. The U.S. reported 403 PAVN troops were killed in this battle and an estimated 150 were wounded. Weapons captured included 112 rifles, 33 light machine-guns, three heavy machine-guns, two rocket launchers, and four mortars. There were two battlefronts at the Chu Pong massif areas: a ground force operation conducted by the 1st Air Cavalry (reported by Kinnard in Pleiku campaign) and an air force operation conducted by the B-52 bombers (reported by McChristian in Pleime-Chupong campaign). The first one gave support to the second one by setting up and fixing the targets with Operations All the Way and Silver Bayonet I for Arc Light strikes.

The 5-day Arc Light operation was subsequently supported by the 2nd Air Cavalry Brigade conducting Operation Silver Bayonet II in conjunction with the ARVN Airborne Group conducting Operation Than Phong 7, which was conducted after the fighting at Ia Drang Valley had been over. A 1966 PAVN Central Highlands Front report claimed that in five major engagements with US forces, PAVN forces suffered 559 soldiers killed and 669 wounded. PAVN histories claim the United States suffered 1,500 to 1,700 casualties during the Ia Drang Campaign. The US military confirmed 305 killed and 524 wounded (including 234 killed and 242 wounded between 14 and 18 November 1965), and claimed 3,561 PAVN were killed and more than 1,000 were wounded during engagements with the 1st Cavalry.

According to ARVN intelligence source, each of the three PAVN regiments' initial strength was 2,200 soldiers: 1st Bn 500, 2nd Bn 500, 3rd Bn 500, Mortar Co 150, Anti-Aircraft Co 150, Signal Co 120, Transportation Co 150, Medical Co 40, Engineer Co 60, Recon Co 50. On November 17, after 3 days of B-52 airstrike, ARVN intelligence source through radio intercepts revealed that B3 Field Front Command reported "2/3 of their strength had been wiped off", or 6 out of 9 battalions; still combat effective were the 635th and 334th Battalions of the 320th Regiments and the 5 companies of the remnant 33rd and 66th Regiments that were to be decimated at the battle of LZ Albany.

As a matter of fact, when the ARVN Airborne, comprising 5 battalions, entered into action, they only encountered two PAVN battalions. ARVN's II Corps Command recapitulates the losses of PAVN from 18 October to 26 November as follows: KIA (bc) 4,254, KIA (est) 2,270, WIA 1293, CIA 179, weapons (crew served) 169, (individual) 1,027. PAVN casualty figures advanced by II Corps Command were relied especially on PAVN regimental command posts' own loss reports (as indicated by Major General Kinnard), intercepted by ARVN radio listening stations. Furthermore, they include PAVN troop casualties caused by the 5 day Arc Light airstrike that the PAVN and US sides fail to take into account. As outcome of the entire campaign, ARVN claimed the PAVN were unable to achieve their objectives of overrunning the camp and destroying the relief column at Pleime and ARVN source reported that the entire B3 Field Force strength was wiped-off and the survivors pushed-off over the Cambodian border. Both sides (US and PAVN) probably inflated the estimates of their opponent's casualties.

Lewy states that, according to DOD officials, US "body count" claims of communist casualties were inflated at least 30 percent for the Vietnam War as a whole. The U.S. claim of 403 North Vietnamese battle dead at Landing Zone Albany seems an overestimate. Col. McDade later claimed he did not report any estimate of North Vietnamese casualties at LZ Albany and had not seen even 200 bodies of North Vietnamese soldiers. Similarly, Col. Moore also realized that the PAVN casualties figures in the fight at LZ X-Ray were inaccurate.

He lowered the original body count figure of 834 submitted by his men to 634, regarding the former number was too high. This battle can be seen as a blueprint for tactics by both sides. The Americans used air mobility, artillery fire and close air support to accomplish battlefield objectives. The PAVN and Viet Cong forces learned that they could neutralize that firepower by quickly engaging American forces at very close range.
The North Vietnamese Colonel Nguyen Huu An included his lessons from the battle at X-ray in his orders for Albany, "Move inside the column, grab them by the belt, and thus avoid casualties from the artillery and air."

Both Westmoreland and An thought this battle to be a success. This battle was one of the few set piece battles of the war and was one of the first battles to popularize the U.S. concept of the "body count" as a measure of success, as they claimed that the kill ratio was nearly 10 to 1. Commenting later on the battle battalion commander Harold G. Moore said, The "peasant soldiers [of North Vietnam] had withstood the terrible high-tech fire storm delivered against them by a superpower and had at least fought the Americans to a draw. By their yardstick, a draw against such a powerful opponent was the equivalent of a victory." The Battle of Hamburg Hill They had made no significant contacts in its area of operations, and at midday on May 13, the brigade commander, Colonel Conmy, decided it would move to cut off North Vietnamese reinforcement from Laos and to assist Honeycutt by attacking Hill 937 from the south.

Its Bravo company was heli-lifted to Hill 916, but the remainder of the battalion made the movement on foot, from an area 4 kilometers (2.5 mi) from Hill 937, and both Conmy and Honeycutt expected the 1/506th to be ready to provide support no later than the morning of May 15. Although Bravo Company seized Hill 916 on May 15, it was not until May 19 that the battalion as a whole was in position to conduct a final assault, primarily because of nearly impenetrable jungle. The 3/187 conducted multi-company assaults on May 14 and May 15, incurring heavy casualties, while the 1/506th, led by 1st. Lt. Roger Leasure, made probing attacks on the south slopes of the mountain on May 16 and May 17. The difficult terrain and well organized North Vietnamese forces continually disrupted the tempo of U.S. tactical operations on Hills 916, 900, and 937.

Steep gradients and dense vegetation provided few natural landing zones (LZs) in the vicinity of the mountain and made helicopter redeployments impractical. The terrain also masked the positions of the NVA 29th Regiment, making it nearly impossible to suppress anti-aircraft fire, while the jungle covered the movement of North Vietnamese units so completely that it created a nonlinear battlefield. NVA soldiers, able to maneuver freely around the LZs, shot down or damaged numerous helicopters with small arms fire, rocket-propelled grenades, and crew-served weapons.

The North Vietnamese also assaulted nearby logistical support LZs and command posts at least four times, forcing deployment of units for security that might otherwise have been employed in assaults. Attacking companies had to provide for 360-degree security as they maneuvered, since the terrain largely prevented them from mutually supporting one another. NVA platoon- and company-sized elements repeatedly struck maneuvering U.S. forces from the flanks and rear. The effectiveness of U.S. maneuver forces was limited by narrow trails that funneled attacking companies into squad or platoon points of attack, where they encountered PAVN platoons and companies with prepared fields of fire. With most small arms engagements thus conducted at close range, U.S. fire support was also severely restricted. Units frequently pulled back and called in artillery fire, close air support, and aerial rocket artillery, but the North Vietnamese bunkers were well-sited and constructed with overhead cover to withstand bombardment.

During the course of the battle the foliage was eventually stripped away and the bunkers exposed, but they were so numerous and well constructed that many could not be destroyed by indirect fire. Napalm, recoilles rifle fire, and dogged squad and platoon-level actions eventually accounted for the reduction of most fortifications, though at a pace and price thoroughly unanticipated by American forces. U.S. battle command of small units was essentially decentralized. Though Honeycutt constantly prodded his company commanders to push on, he could do little to coordinate mutual support until the final assaults, when the companies maneuvered in close proximity over the barren mountain top. Fire support for units in contact was also decentralized. Supporting fires, including those controlled by airborne forward air controllers, were often directed at the platoon level. Eventually human error led to five attacks by supporting aircraft on the 3/187th, killing seven and wounding 53. Four of the incidents involved Cobra gunship helicopters, which in one case were more than 1 kilometer (0.62 mi) away from their intended target.

On May 16, associated press correspondent Jay Sharbutt learned of the ongoing battle on Hill 937, traveled to the area and interviewed Zais, in particular asking why infantry, rather than firepower, was used as the primary offensive tool on Hill 937. More reporters followed to cover the battle, and the term "Hamburger Hill" became widely used. The U.S. brigade commander ordered a coordinated twobattalion assault for May 18, 1/506th attacking from the south and 3/187th attacking from the north, trying to keep the 29th NVA Regiment from concentrating on either battalion. Fighting to within 75 meters (246 ft) of the summit, Delta Company 3/187th nearly carried the hill but experienced severe casualties, including all of its officers. The battle was one of close combat, with the two sides exchanging small arms and grenade fire within 20 meters (66 ft) of one another.

From a light observation helicopter, the battalion commander attempted to coordinate the movements of the other companies into a final assault, but an exceptionally intense thunderstorm reduced visibility to zero and ended the fighting. Unable to advance, 3/187 again withdrew down the mountain.
The three converging companies of 1/506th struggled to take Hill 900, the southern crest of the mountain, encountering heavy opposition for the first time in the battle. Because of the heavy casualties already sustained by his units and under pressure from the unwanted attention of the press, Zais seriously considered discontinuing the attack but decided otherwise. Both the corps commander and the MACV commander, General Creighton W. Abrams, publicly supported the decision. Zais decided to commit three fresh battalions to the battle and to have one of them relieve the 3/187th in place. The 3/187th's losses had been severe, with approximately 320 killed or wounded, including more than sixty percent of the 450 experienced troops who had assaulted into the valley. Two of its four company commanders and eight of twelve platoon leaders had become casualties.

The battalion commander of the 2/506th, Lt. Col. Gene Sherron, arrived at Honeycutt's CP on the afternoon of May 18 to coordinate the relief. 3/187th was flying out its latest casualties, and its commander had not yet been informed of the relief. Before any arrangements were made, Zais landed and was confronted by Honeycutt, who argued that his battalion was still combat effective. After a sharp confrontation, Zais relented, although he assigned one of Sherron's companies to Honeycutt as reinforcement for the assault. Two fresh battalions--the 2/501st Infantry and ARVN 2/3d Infantry-- were airlifted into LZs northeast and southeast of the base of the mountain on May 19. Both battalions immediately moved onto the mountain to positions from which they would attack the following morning. Meanwhile, the 1/506 for the third consecutive day struggled to secure Hill 900.

The 3rd Brigade launched its four-battalion attack at 10:00 on May 20, including two companies of the 3/187 reinforced by Alpha Company 1/506. The attack was preceded by two hours of close air support and ninety minutes of artillery prep fires. The battalions attacked simultaneously, and by 12:00 elements of the 3/187 reached the crest, beginning a reduction of bunkers that continued through most of the afternoon. Some PAVN units were able to withdraw into Laos, and Hill 937 was secured by 17:00.

The Falkland Island War

The Falkland war, was based on when Argentina invaded the Island, and defeated the small British forces. The British responded with military forces. was a ten-week war between Argentina and the United Kingdom over two British overseas territories in the South Atlantic: the Falkland Island, South Georgia and the south Sandwich Islands. It began on Friday, 2 April 1982, when Argentina invaded and occupied the Falkland Islands; they were try to claimed sovereignity over them.

The conflict lasted 74 days and ended with the Argentine surrender on 14 June 1982, returning the islands to British control. In total, 649 Argentine military personnel, 255 British military personnel, and three Falkland Islanders died during the hostilities. The conflict was a major episode in the protracted confrontation over the territories' sovereignty. Argentina asserted (and maintains) that the islands are Argentine territory, and the Argentine government thus characterised its military action as the reclamation of its own territory. The British government regarded the action as an invasion of a territory that had been a Crown colony since 1841.

Falkland Islanders, who have inhabited the islands since the early 19th century, are predominantly descendants of British settlers, and favour British sovereignty. Neither state, however, officially declared war (both sides did declare the Islands areas a war zone and officially recognised that a state of war existed between them) and hostilities were almost exclusively limited to the territories under dispute and the area of the South Atlantic where they lie. The conflict has had a strong impact in both countries and has been the subject of various books, articles, films, and songs. Patriotic sentiment ran high in Argentina, but the outcome prompted large protests against the ruling military government, hastening its downfall.

In the United Kingdom, the Conservative Party government, bolstered by the successful outcome, was re-elected the following year. The cultural and political weight of the conflict has had less effect in Britain than in Argentina, where it remains a continued topic for discussion. Relations between the United Kingdom and Argentina were restored in 1989 following a meeting in Madrid, Spain, at which the two countries' governments issued a joint statement. No change in either country's position regarding the sovereignty of the Falkland Islands was made explicit. In 1994, Argentina's claim to the territories was added to it's constitution. The conflict lasted 74 days and ended with the Argentine surrender on 14 June 1982, returning the islands to British control. In total, 649 Argentine military personnel, 255 British military personnel, and three Falkland Islanders died during the hostilities.

Major General Jeremy Moore

He later served as Housemaster of the Royal Marines school of music in Deal, Kent in 1954, as an instructor at the NCO's School, as adjutant with 45 commando from 1957 to 1959, spending much time in operations against EOKA in Cyprus, and then as an instructor at the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst until 1962. He was posted to Brunei to join 42 commando, as a company commander and later adjutant. While a company commander, he was awarded a bar to the Military Cross in December 1962 when he led an attack against rebels holding the town of Limbang in the Sarwak area of Borneo , rescuing British and Australian hostages.
He and his men were ferried across a river by Royal Navy Lieutenant Jeremy Black, who went on to command HMS Invincible in the Falklands War. He led the 42nd Commando on a tour of duty in the then Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) stronghold of New Lodge.

On promotion to lieutenant colonel in 1971, Moore was appointed in command of 42 Commando, completing two tours of duty in Northern Ireland, including participation in the highprofile Operation Motorman to eliminate areas proclaimed by the IRA as "no-go" to the Army and police. He was appointed an officer of the order of the British Empire in 1973.

Moore commanded the Royal Marines School of Music from 1973 to 1975, and then studied at the Royal college of Defense studies in 1976. He commanded 3rd Commando Brigade from 1977 until he was promoted to major general in 1979 and took command of all Royal Marine commando forces. He was appointed a Companion of the Order of the Bath in 1982, and was on the verge of retirement when the Commandant General Royal Marines, Lieutenant General Sir Steuart Pringle, was badly injured by a bomb planted by the IRA. Moore remained as Major General Commando Forces to cover for Pringle while he recovered.

Moore was handing over to the recuperated Pringle when Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands on 2 April 1982. He joined the task force planning team at Northwood before flying south to take command of land forces in theatre. His planning post was taken by Lieutenant General Richard Trant. Moore relieved Brigadier Thompson as ground commander when he arrived shortly before the 5th Infantry Brigade, travelling ahead on the HMS Antrim to reach the islands on 30 May. Moore implemented the plans proposed by Thompson, with the British soldiers forced to march across the inhospitable islands in the absence of sufficient helicopters and against Argentine resistance. He accepted the surrender of the Argentinian commander, General de Brigada Mario Menendez in Port Stanley on 14 June 1982.

Moore was advanced to Knight commander of the order of the Bath on 11 October 1982 "in recognition of service within the operations in the South Atlantic", and left the Marines in 1983. He became Director General of the Food Manufacturers Federation, but left 18 months later. Later in life, he raised money for research into liver diseases after having a liver transplant.

He was Colonel Commandant of the Royal Marines from 1990 to 1993, and joined the parade to commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Falklands War at Horse Guards parade and the mall on 17 June 2007. He fought at the battles of Operation Sutton, San Carlos, Bluff Cove air attacks and Argentina's surrender.

Operation Sutton During the night, 3rd commando brigade along with attached units of the Parachute regiment were landed from the liner SS Canberra and the LPD HMS Fearless. There was very limited enemy resistance on the ground.The Argentine army force on site was a section from the 25th Infantry Regiment named Combat team Güemes, or EC Güemes, located at Fanning Head. After the British fleet was spotted at 02:50, EC Güemes opened fire 81mm motars and two 105mm recoiless rifles. The British warships replied with naval gunfire, and a 25-man SBS team also returned fire. During the firefight, two British Army helicopters, a Sea King and a Gazelle passed overhead, and the Argentine troops fired at them with machine guns.

The Gazelle's pilot, Sergeant Andy Evans, was hit and fatally injured, but he managed to ditch the aircraft into the sea. Evans and the other crewman, Sergeant Ed Candlish, were thrown out of the aircraft, and Argentine troops shot at them for about 15 minutes as they struggled in the water, ignoring orders to cease fire from their commanding officer. When the firing stopped, Candlish managed to drag Evans to shore, where he died. Minutes later, a second British Gazelle helicopter, following the same route as the first, was raked by machine-gun fire from the Argentine platoon and shot down, killing the crew; Lt Ken France and Lance-Cpl Pat Giffin.

The Argentinians eventually retreated from Fanning Head, abandoning their communications equipment. At least eight members of another Argentinian platoon who fled the scene were left behind and captured by the British. Argentine commandos of the 601 commando company shot down a GR3 Harrier on a reconnaissance mission on Port Howard with a Blowpipe missile.

The pilot, Flight Lieutenant Glover, bailed out, breaking his arm and collar bone in the process. He was taken prisoner by Argentine soldiers shortly afterward, and flown to a military hospital in Comodoro Rivadavia, Argentina. Six Argentine pilots were killed during the operation. The invasion, part of the overall Operation Corporate, sparked a strong reply from the Argentine Air Force and the Argentine Naval Aviation which lead to the battle of San Carlos.

Battle of Bluff Cove

While unloading on 8 June, the British ships were attacked by two waves of A-4 Skyhawks from the Argentine Air Force's 5th Air Brigade, each of them loaded with three 500 lb retarding tail bombs of Spanish design. The fighters departed from Rio Gallegos airbase, which at the time was monitored by the nuclear submarine HMS Splendid. The first package, originally made of eight aircraft, was reduced to five when three Skyhawks returned to base due to refuelling problems. The nuclear submarine HMS Valiant, on picket duty off Rio Grande, was able to track six Dagger fighters taking off from the airbase there for a complementary mission and sent an early warning signal, but the report from the submarine failed to reach the British forces at Bluff Cove.

Another four Mirages carried out a decoy mission over the north of the islands, while the Argentine destroyer ARA Santisima Trinidad broadcast interference to jam the frequencies used by the Royal Navy's air controllers directing the Sea Harrier operations. At approximately 14:00 local time the ships RFA Sir Tristram and RFA Sir Galahad were badly damaged by five A-4Bs of Grupo 5. Three A-4s targeted Sir Galahad, which was hit by three bombs from First Lieutenant Carlos Cachón.

The second Skyhawk was unable to drop its bombs, and the third overshot the British ship. The remaining two aircraft attacked Sir Tristram, which was struck by two bombs released by package leader Lieutenant Daniel Gálvez; the bombs of the last A-4 fell short. The explosions and subsequent fires killed 48 men aboard Sir Galahad and two crew members from Sir Tristram. At 16:50 a second wave, composed by four A-4Bs of Grupo 5 hit and sank a Landing craft Utility from HMS Fearless, ferrying the vehicles of the 5th Brigade's headquarters from Darwin to Bluff Cove in Choiseul sound with the loss of six Royal Marines.

However, the Sea Harrier combat air patrol was already on scene and responded; three Skyhawks were shot down and their pilots, First Lieutenant Danilo Bolzan, Lieutenant Juan Arrarás, and Ensign Alfredo Vazquez, were killed. Bolzan's aircraft was shot down by Lieutenant David Smith, while the remaining Skyhawks fell victims to Flight Lieutenant David Morgan. The fourth aircraft suffered combat damage and lost a large amount of fuel, but returned to the mainland, assisted by a KC-130 tanker. A third wave, by A-4Cs of Grupo 4, arrived minutes later and struck ground targets without visible success. In a separate incident, the frigate HMS Plymouth endured the sudden attack of the six Daggers from Rio Grande, which struck her with four 1,000-pound bombs.

The warship sustained severe damage, and five crewmen were injured. Although all the bombs were duds, the attack caused the explosion of at least one depth charge on her flight deck. A total of 56 British servicemen were killed, and 150 wounded. BBC television cameras recorded images of Royal Navy helicopters hovering in thick smoke to winch survivors from the burning landing ships. These images were seen around the world. However, General Menendez, commander of Argentine forces on the islands, was told that hundreds of men had been killed.

He expected a drop in British morale, and their advance to slacken. Sir Galahad was damaged beyond repair, but her sister ship survived to be re-built post-war. American author Robert Bolia blames the disaster to the use of large LST ships instead of LCUs and other small vessels. Brigadier Julian Thompson;[5 Brigade] actually hadn't seen the Argentine Air Force work, 'cause for the five days they'd been there, the bad weather had kept the Argentine Air Force away; so they hadn't seen how deadly those guys could be. I can tell you, if I'd have been on board that ship I would have swam ashore rather than stay there Among the wounded was Simon Weston, who later featured in a BBC documentary showing his treatment for the appalling injuries he received.

Weston endured 75 operations in 22 years, after 25% of his skin suffered third degree burns. In a subsequent documentary, filmed in Argentina, he met the pilot who bombed his ship, Carlos Cachón, then retired with the rank of Captain.

After a later visit of Cachón and his family to Weston's home in Liverpool, they have become great friends. Carlos Cachón was born near Balcarce and raised in Mar del Plata, where he currently lives. He is the chief of the security staff in the local offices of the Argentina national bank. Cachón was awarded the honorific title of "Illustrious Citizen" by the city council of Mar del Plata on 25 February 2010.After the war, a memorial for the British soldiers killed in the attack was erected at Fitzroy.On 8 June 2007, Welsh Guards veterans of the Falklands War held a memorial for the Welsh Guards killed on board Sir Galahad.

The battle of Mount Longdon

3 PARA made a desperate march across the hills north of Mount Simon to seize the key piece of high ground above the settlement of Estancia, also known as Estancia House. The weather conditions were atrocious, with the Paras marching through steep slippery hillocks to the objective. Nick Rose was a private in 6 Platoon under Lieutenant Jonathan Shaw: The terrain dictated exactly how we advanced.

A lot of the time if we were going along on tracks – what few we did go on – we used Indian file, which is staggered file on either side of the track, like a zig-zag. But there are great rivers of rock – big white boulders – and you have to cross them and then there's the heather and the gorse and its constantly wet. So the wind chill factor was – I think somebody said minus 40 degrees – and storm force winds and horizontal rain – a nightmare scenario. ...

We are horrible, we're miserable as sin, all of us – we're missing home, want a dry fag [cigarette], warm, dry boots, a cheese and onion sandwich and a bottle of blue top milk. I used to dream of these. Captain Matthew Selfridge of 3 PARA set up a patrol base near Murrell Bridge, two kilometres west of Mount Longdon on 3 June. From there he sent out patrols from D Company to scout out the Argentine positions on Mount Longdon. Terry Peck, a former FIDF member also carried out patrolling, and in one occasion while pretending to have gotten lost while riding his motorbike, he chatted to a group of five conscripts (under Corporal Geronimo Diaz of Baldini's 1st Platoon) that had been tasked with guarding provisions that had been helicoptered forward and were relaxing in the sun after drinking several cans of beer on the eastern end of Mount Longdon.

An example of a British snatch patrol that failed to obtain a prisoner was provided by 3 PARA on the night of 4–5 June 1982. A three-man patrol from D Company consisting of Corporal Jerry Phillips and Privates Richard Absolon and Bill Hayward was sent out to the northern slopes of Mount Longdon. The small party was detailed to penetrate Sub-Lieutenant Juan Baldini's 1st Platoon on the western slopes to secure a prisoner, supported to their rear by a battery of six 105 mm field guns, under cover of which the specialist snipers shot at Baldini while another fired a 66mm anti-tank rocket at one of the 1st Platoon mortar pits under Corporal Óscar Carrizo.

The Argentine commanders reacted vigorously, and the sniper team found themselves under prompt and accurate machinegun, artillery and mortar fire. There were no Argentine casualties. One British participant nevertheless claimed to have shot and killed two Argentines and demolished one mortar crew with a rocket at close range. On the Argentine side, it was soon realised that the 7th Infantry Regiment Reconnaissance Platoon soldiers on the surrounding Wireless Ridge position were ill equipped to carry out their own patrolling. Thus, the Argentine Commando units, normally used for deep-recce [reconnaissance] had to take on this role.

They were able to do so with some success and in the early hours of 7 June a combined patrol of the 601st Commando Company and 601st National Gendarmerie Special Forces Squadron, investigating reports from Major Jaimet of enemy activity around Murrell Bridge was seen approaching the bridge. After several nights in the area Corporals Peter Hadden and Mark Brown and their patrols had just arrived at the bluff on the western bank of the Murrell river which Sergeant Ian Addle's patrol had been using as a base. Within a short period of time a sentry reported moving figures down near the bridge. The Paras opened up and a confused firefight developed in the darkness, with small arms, machinegun, LAW rockets and Energa rifle grenades being exchanged.

The Commando patrol under Captain Rubén Teófilo Figueroa was very aggressive and before dawn had forced the Paras to withdraw, having to leave behind much of their equipment. Only one Argentine NCO (Drill Sergeant Rubén Poggi), was slightly wounded during the Argentine counterambush. From then on British patrols had to be mounted closer to their own lines. As the official history of the Parachute Regiment acknowledged: They were forced to evacuate their position rapidly, leaving behind their packs and radio, but succeeded in withdrawing without suffering any casualties. The location was checked on the evening of 8 June by another patrol, but there was no sign of the packs or radio, which meant the battalion's radio net could have been compromised. Nevertheless, Colonel Pike and his company commanders on the eve of battle still held the Argentine commanders in low regard and did not expect them to put up much resistance.

For this reason the British hoped to surprise the Argentine commanders by advancing as close to their forward platoon as possible under cover of darkness, before storming into their trenches with fixed bayonets. The three major objectives – 'Fly Half', 'Full Back' and 'Wing Forward' – were named after positions in rugby football. B Company would attack through 'Fly Half' and proceed to 'Full Back', while A Company, followed by C Company if necessary, would do the same on Wireless Ridge. But morale was still reasonable in the 7th Regiment. Private Fabián Passaro of B Company served on Longdon with the 1st Platoon and remembers life at the time: Most of us had adjusted to what we'd been landed in, we'd adjusted to the war.

Some boys [identified in the book "Two Sides Of Hell/Los Dos Lados Del Infierno"] were still very depressed and, in many cases, were getting worse all the time. Of course, we were very fed up with wearing the same clothes for so many days, going without a shower, being so cold, eating badly. It was too many things together, quite apart from our natural fear of the war, the shelling and all that. But I think some of us were adapting better than others. There were kids who were very worried; and I tried to buoy them up a bit. 'Don't worry,' I told them. 'Nothing will happen, we're safe here.

'Don't you see they could never get right up here? There's one thousand of us; if they try to climb, we'll see them, we'll shoot the shit out of them." When 3 PARA's B Company (under Major Mike Argue) fixed bayonets to storm the Argentine 1st Platoon positions on Mount Longdon, they found themselves running into a minefield. British sappers subsequently counted some 1,500 antipersonnel mines laid along the western and northern slopes of Mount Longdon, but only two exploded recalled Corporal Peter Cuxson,because the rest were frozen. Otherwise the final battle for Port Stanley would have been an altogether different story, concludes the NCO who took an Argentine machine-gun position that night. As dusk set-in, 3 PARA moved to their start lines and, after a brief stop, began to make the fourhour-long advance on their objectives.

As B Company approached Mount Longdon, Corporal Brian Milne stepped on a mine, which after a very silent approach, alerted Sub-Lieutenant Baldini's platoon of conscripts.
More than 20 Argentinan soldiers emerged from their tents to lay down fire but most of the platoon was still struggling out of its sleeping bags when Lieutenant Ian Bickerdike's No. 4 Platoon was among them, machinegunning and grenading the helpless Argentines. Corporal Stewart McLaughlin was in the thick of the action, clearing out an Argentine 7.62mm machinegun from the high ground overlooking the western slopes. He mustered his section, ordered them to fix bayonets and then led them up the hill into a hail of machinegun fire.

Lieutenant Jonathan Shaw's No. 6 Platoon, on the right flank of B Company, captured the summit of 'Fly Half' with no fighting. However, they had missed half a dozen Argentine conscripts of the 3rd Platoon, having grenaded several abandoned bunkers, and they launched a fierce attack on the unsuspecting platoon, resulting in a number of casualties before the area was cleared. For three hours the hand-to-hand combat raged in the 1st Platoon sector, until the Paras drove out the defenders.

All around the 1st Platoon position, small groups of soldiers were fighting for their lives. Privates Ben Gough and Dominic Gray managed to crawl undetected up to an Argentine bunker and crouched beside it as the Marine conscripts inside blasted away into the night. In unison the two Paras each pulled the pin out of a grenade and 'posted' them through the firing slit of the bunker. The instant the grenades exploded, the two jumped in the bunker and started to bayonet the two Marines. Private Gray killed a Marine by sticking his bayonet through his eye socket. They were both mentioned in despatches. Marine Corporal Carlos Rafael Colemil was part of the forward defence and fought as a sniper:

A British soldier climbed over the rock which supported the accommodation bunker of the 105mm gun crew, and from here he was silhouetted. He screamed like he was giving out orders, I aimed and fired and he fell, then Conscript Daniel Ferrandis alerted me to the approach of three British soldiers on the flank. I observed with the night sight, they were very close, I saw one of them was carrying a gun with bipod; he fell at the first shot and shouted. Another man approached him and I fired again and also got him ... Many people fell to the ground screaming, but soon the enemy was aware of my presence and every time I fired a shot I received a great deal of fire in response. Not long after my main action I was wounded ... We could also hear the cries for help from the Rasit radar operator Sergeant Roque Nista, who was wounded.

I could hear Sergeant Omar Cabral, who was a sniper he was also firing. According to the account of Private Victor José Bruno, Baldini was killed as he tried to unjam a machinegun. "The Lieutenant pushed us back and stood up trying to unlock the barrel but then he was shot in his belly by enemy fire", he recalled in an interview with Eduardo César Gerding of the Nottingham Malvinas group. Corporal Dario Ríos was found lying dead with his platoon commander, which disproves Private Carbone's claim that Baldini "died alone". Baldini's weapon and boots were removed for the use of British soldiers. A photo of the dead Argentine officer appeared in the original hardback edition of the book Operation Corporate:

The Falklands War, 1982 (Viking Press, 1985) and an artist illustration of the photo appears in the frontcover of the book De La Plata a Malvinas written by Raúl Eugenio Daneri, the adjutant of the 7th Regiment in the Falklands. Also killed in the initial fighting was Cavalry Sergeant Jorge Alberto Ron (according to Private Altieri who was wounded in the blast that killed the NCO) and the Argentine forward artillery observation officer, Lieutenant Alberto Rolando Ramos, whose last message was that his position was surrounded. Sub-Lieutenant Baldini was awarded the Argentine Nation to the Valour in Combat medal Just as it seemed as if the Paras would overwhelm 2nd Lieutenant Enrique Neirotti's 3rd Platoon on the southern half and Staff Sergeant Raúl González's 2nd Platoon on the northern half of the mountain, reinforcements from 2nd Lieutenant Hugo Quiroga's 1st Platoon, 10th Engineer Company on 'Full Back' arrived to help Neirotti and González.

Throughout the initial fighting in this sector, most of the Argentine positions on the saddle of the mountain held, the newly arrived engineers using headmounted nightsights, proving particularly deadly to the Paras. The battle was going badly for Major Mike Argue. Argentine resistance was strong and well organized. At the centre of the mountain were Marine conscripts Jorge Maciel and Claudio Scaglione in a bunker with a heavy machinegun and Marine conscripts Luis Fernández and Sergio Giuseppetti with night-scope equipped rifles. Lieutenant Bickerdike, a signaller and Sergeant Ian McKay and a number of other men in No. 4 Platoon were attempting to perform reconnaissance on the Marine positions; in doing so, the platoon commander and signaller were wounded. Sergeant McKay realising something needed to be done, decided to attack the Marine heavy machinegun position that was causing so much damage.

The assault was met by a hail of fire. Corporal Ian Bailey was seriously wounded, a Private was killed and another wounded. Despite these losses Sergeant McKay, with complete disregard for his own safety for which he was to win a posthumous Victoria Cross, continued to charge the enemy position alone. Peter Harclerode who was granted open access to the war diary of the 3rd Battalion, and subsequently wrote PARA! (Arms & Armour Press, 1993), pointed out that McKay and his team cleared several Marine riflemen in the position but failed to neutralize the heavy machinegun. Corporal McLaughlin managed to crawl to within grenade-throwing range of the Marine heavy machinegun team, but despite several efforts with fragmentation grenades and 66 mm rockets, he was unable to silence it.

Major Carrizo-Salvadores on 'Full Back' had remained in touch with the Argentine commanders in Port Stanley: Around midnight I asked RHQ for infantry reinforcements, and I was given a rifle platoon from Captain Hugo García's C Company.

First Lieutenant Raúl Fernando Castañeda gathered the sections of his platoon, hooked around First Sergeant Raúl González's 2nd Platoon that was already fighting and delivered a counterattack [at about 2 am local time]. The Platoon fought with great courage in fierce hand-to-hand combat and the battle raged for two more hours, but gradually the enemy broke contact and withdrew while being engaged by artillery strikes. It was now the turn of the Argentines to counterattack. Major CarrizoSalvadores manoeuvred Castañeda's reinforced platoon to close with 4 and 5 Platoons and meanwhile under the direction of an NCO, part of Castañeda's platoon converged on the British aid post.

Colour Sergeant Brian Faulkner, seeing that more than 20 wounded Paras on the western slopes of the mountain were about to fall into the hands of one of the sections of Castañeda's platoon, deployed anyone fit enough to defend the British Regimental Aid Post. "I picked four blokes and got up on this high feature, and as I did so this troop of twenty, or thirty Argentines [in fact a reinforced section of fifteen riflemen] were coming towards us. We just opened fire on them. We don't know how many we killed, but they got what they deserved, because none of them were left standing when we'd finished with them." said Faulkner. Things were so bad that Major Argue's company ceased firing and devoted their full efforts to withdrawing from 'Fly Half'.

Peter Harclerode, a noted British historian of the Parachute Regiment, went on record, saying that: under covering fire, Nos. 4 and 5 Platoons withdrew, but another man was killed and others wounded in the process. At that point, Lieutenant Colonel Hew Pike and his 'R' Group arrived on the scene and Major Argue briefed him on the situation. Shortly afterwards, Company Sergeant-Major Weeks reported that both platoons had pulled back to a safe distance and that all the wounded had been recovered.

The dead, however, had to be left where they had fallen. Meanwhile, on the southern slope of the objective, the wounded from No. 6 Platoon were being evacuated while the rest remained under cover of the rocks. The British 3rd Commando Brigade commander, Brigadier Thompson was reported as having said: "I was on the point of withdrawing my Paras from Mount Longdon. We couldn't believe that these teenagers disguised as soldiers were causing us to suffer many casualties." By the time the 21 survivors of Castañeda's 46-man platoon had worked their way off the mountain, they were utterly exhausted. One of them, Private Leonardo Rondi, was sporting a maroon beret – taken from a dead Parachute Regiment soldier.

Private Rondi, having dodged groups of Paras to deliver messages to Castañeda's section leaders, had found a Para behind a rock (it may have been Sergeant McKay) and took his red beret and SLR which he later gave to the Argentine commanders as trophies. Following the unexpectedly fierce fighting on 'Fly Half', Maj. Argue pulled back Nos. 4, and 5 Platoons, and 29 Commando Regiment directed artillery fire at the mountain from Mount Kent, after which the area was flanked from the left. Under heavy fire, the remnants of 4 and 5 Platoons, under Lieutenant Mark Cox advanced upon their objective of 'Full Back', taking some casualties from Casteñeda's platoon as they did so. As he was clearing the Argentine position, Private Grey was injured from a headshot but refused to be evacuated until Maj. Argue had consolidated his troops properly in their positions on 'Fly Half'.

Private Kevin Connery personally dispatched three wounded Argentines in this action. The Paras could not move any further without taking unacceptable losses and so were pulled back to the western end of Mount Longdon, with the orders for Major David Collett's A Company to move through B Company and assault, from the west, the eastern objective of 'Full Back', a heavily defended position, with covering fire being given from Support Company. Second Lieutenants John Kearton and Ian Moore mustered their platoons near the western summit and had briefed them on how to deal with the enemy.

They then attacked the position, clearing it of its Argentine garrison with rifle, grenade and bayonet in close quaters combat . As A Company was clearing the final positions, Corporal McLaughlin was injured by a Czekalski recoilles rifle round fired from Wireless Ridge, he was subsequently killed by a mortar bomb fired from RI 7's C Company on Wireless Ridge as he made his way to the aid post. The Argentines rigorously defended 'Full Back'.

Although already wounded, Corporal Manuel Medina of Castañeda's platoon took over a recoilless rifle detachment and personally fired along the ridge at Support Company, killing three Paras, including Private Peter Heddicker, who took the full force of a 105 mm artillery round, three others were also wounded. Major Carrizo-Salvadores abandoned his command bunker on 'Full Back' only when a Milan missile smashed into some rocks just behind him. In the command bunker Major Collett found 2,000 cigarettes which he gave to the smokers in his company.The swearing in English on the part of the conscripts, and the discovery of several dead Argentine Marine conscripts dressed in camouflaged uniforms at first led the Paras to believe they had encountered mercenaries from the United States on Mount Longdon.

War on Terrorism

There are many Moore(s) and the variant of the spelling fought against the Islam in Iraq and Afghanistan. Islam is a growing threat to the free world and I believe it is the new crusades. On 9/11 there were one or two Moore who were killed during the terrorist attack. Because the actions involved in the "war on terrorism" are diffuse, and the criteria for inclusion are unclear, political theorist Richard Jackson has argued that "the 'war on terrorism' therefore, is simultaneously a set of actual practices-- wars, covert operations, agencies, and institutions--and an accompanying series of assumptions, beliefs, justifications, and narratives--it is an entire language or discourse.

" Jackson cites among many examples a statement by John Ashcroft that "the attacks of September 11 drew a bright line of demarcation between the civil and the savage".
Administration officials also described "terrorists" as hateful, treacherous, barbarous, mad, twisted, perverted, without faith, parasitical, inhuman, and, most commonly, evil. Americans, in contrast, were described as brave, loving, generous, strong, resourceful, heroic, and respectful of human rights. Even to this day many of our clansmen will continue to fight for thier clan and country.

Battle of Mogadishu

At 13:50, Task Force Ranger analysts received intelligence of Salad's location. There was a Jason Moore.At 15:42, the MH-6 assault Little Birds carrying the Delta operators hit the target, the wave of dust becoming so bad that one was forced to go around again and land out of position. Next, the two Black Hawks carrying the second Delta assault team came into position and dropped their teams as the four Ranger chalks prepared to rope onto the four corners surrounding the target building.
Chalk Four being carried by Black Hawk callsign Super 67, piloted by CW3 Jeff Niklaus, was accidentally put a block north of their intended point. Declining the pilot's offer to move them back down due to the time it would take to do so, leaving the helicopter too exposed, Chalk Four intended to move down to the planned position, but intense ground fire prevented them from doing so. The ground convoy arrived ten minutes later near the Olympic Hotel and waited for Delta and Rangers to complete their mission (target building). During the operation's first moments, Ranger PFC Todd Blackburn, from Chalk Four, fell while fast-roping from his Black Hawk Super 67 while it was hovering 70 feet (21 m) above the streets.

Blackburn suffered an injury to his head and back of his neck and required evacuation by SGT Jeff Struecker's column of three Humvees.
While taking PFC Todd Blackburn back to base, SGT Dominick Pilla, assigned to SGT Struecker's Humvee, was killed instantly when a bullet entered his head. When SGT Struecker's Humvee column reached the base and safety, all three vehicles were riddled with bullet holes and smoking. At about 16:20, one of the Black Hawk helicopters, callsign Super 61 piloted by CW3 Cliff "Elvis" Wolcott and CW3 Donovan Briley, was shot down by an RPG. Both pilots were killed in the resulting crash and two of the crew chiefs were severely wounded. SSG Daniel Busch and SGT Jim Smith, both Delta snipers, survived the crash and began defending the site.

An MH-6, call sign Star 41 and piloted by CW3 Karl Maier and CW5 Keith Jones, landed nearby and Jones left the helicopter and carried Busch to the safety of the helicopter while Maier provided cover fire from the Little Bird's cockpit, repeatedly denying orders to lift off while his co-pilot was not in the Bird. He nearly hit Chalk One's LT DiTomasso arriving with Rangers and Delta operators to secure the site. Jones and Maier evacuated SSG Busch and SGT Smith, though SSG Busch later died of his injuries, being shot four times while defending the crash site. A Combat Search and Rescue (CSAR) team, led by Air Force Para-rescueman TSgt Scott Fales, were able to fast rope down to Super 61's crash site despite an RPG hit that crippled their helicopter, Super 68, piloted by CW3 Dan Jollota. Despite the damage, Super 68 did make it back to base.

The CSAR team found both the pilots dead and two wounded inside the crashed helicopter. Under intense fire, the team moved the wounded men to a nearby collection point, where they built a makeshift shelter using Kevlar armor plates salvaged from Super 61's wreckage. There was confusion between the ground convoy and the assault team. The assault team and the ground convoy waited for 20 minutes to receive their orders to move out. Both units were under the mistaken impression that they were to be first contacted by the other. During the wait, a second Black Hawk helicopter, call sign Super 64 and piloted by CW3 Michael Durant, was shot down by an RPG at around 16:40. Most of the assault team went to the first crash site for a rescue operation. Upon reaching the site, about 90 Rangers and Delta Force operators found themselves under heavy fire.

Despite air support, the assault team was effectively trapped for the night. With a growing number of wounded needing shelter, they occupied several nearby houses and confined the occupants for the battle's duration. Outside, a stiff breeze stirred up blinding, brown clouds of dust. At the second crash site, two Delta snipers, MSG Gordon and SFC Randy Shughart, were inserted by Black Hawk Super 62 – piloted by CW3 Mike Goffena. Their first two requests to be inserted were denied, but they were finally granted permission upon their third request.

They inflicted heavy casualties on the approaching Somali mob. Super 62 had kept up their fire support for MSG Gordon and SFC Shughart, but an RPG struck Super 62. Despite the damage, Super 62 managed to go to the New Port and safety. When MSG Gordon was eventually killed, SFC Shughart picked up Gordon's CAR-15 and gave it to Super 64 pilot CW3 Michael Durant. SFC Shughart went back around the chopper's nose and held off the mob for about 10 more minutes before he was killed.

The Somalis then overran the crash site and killed all but Durant. He was nearly beaten to death, but was saved when members of Aidid's militia came to take him prisoner. Repeated attempts by the Somalis to mass forces and overrun the American positions in a series of firefights near the first crash site were neutralized by aggressive small arms fire and by strafing runs and rocket attacks from AH-6J Little bird helicopter gunships of the night stalkers, the only air unit equipped and trained for night fighting. A relief convoy with elements from the Task Force 2-14 infantry, 10th Mountain Division, accompanied by Malaysian and Pakistani U.N. forces, arrived at the first crash site at around 02:00. No contingency planning or coordination with U.N. forces had been arranged prior to the operation; consequently, the recovery of the surrounded American troops was significantly complicated and delayed.

Determined to protect all of the rescue convoy's members, General Garrison made sure that the convoy would roll out in force. When the convoy finally pushed into the city, it consisted of more than 100 U.N. vehicles including Malaysian forces' German-made Condor APCs, four Pakistani tanks, American humvees and several M939 five-ton flatbed trucks. This two-mile-long column was supported by several other Black Hawks and Cobra assault helicopters stationed with the 10th Mountain Division. Meanwhile, Task Force Ranger's "Little Birds" continued their defense of Super 61's downed crew and rescuers. The American assault force sustained heavy casualties, including several killed, and a Malaysian soldier died when an RPG hit his Condor vehicle. Seven Malaysians and two Pakistanis were wounded.

The battle was over by 06:30 on Monday, 4 October. U.S. forces were finally evacuated to the U.N. base by the armored convoy. While leaving the crash site, a group of Rangers and Delta operators led by SSG. John R. Dycus realized that there was no room left in the vehicles for them and were forced to depart the city on foot to a rendezvous point on National Street. This has been commonly referred to as the "Mogadishu Mile". U.S. forces suffered one casualty during the mile, Sgt. Randal J. Ramaglia, after he was hit by a bullet in the back, and successfully evacuated. In all, 18 U.S. soldiers were killed in action during the battle and another 73 were wounded in action.

The Malaysian forces lost one soldier and had seven injured, while the Pakistanis suffered two injured. Somali casualties were heavy, with estimates on fatalities ranging from 315 to over 2,000 combatants. The Somali casualties were a mixture of militiamen and local civilians. Somali civilians suffered heavy casualties due to the dense urban character of that portion of Mogadishu. Two days later, a mortar round fell on the U.S. compound, killing one U.S. soldier, SFC Matt Rierson, and injuring another twelve. A team on special mission to Durant's Super 64 helicopter had 2 wounded, Boxerman and James on 6 October. Two weeks after the battle, General Garrison officially accepted responsibility.

In a handwritten letter to President Clinton, Garrison took full responsibility for the battle's outcome. He wrote that Task Force Ranger had adequate intelligence for the mission and that their objective (capturing targets from the Olympic Hotel) was met. There was a James L. Moore of the United States Marine corp. He fought in the battle of Fallujah was killed in a helicopter crash in Iraq. Seventeen Moore(s) and Mora(s) were killed in Operation Iraqi Freedom, one Mora died in Operation New Dawn, and Three Moore(s) and 1 Mora died in Operation Enduring Freedom.

Maine Historical and Genealogical Recorder . NOTES FOR A GENEALOGY OF THE MOORE

In a previous paper we gave some account of a considerable number of members of several families of that ilk in England mostly from 1066 to about 1600. We now add a few brief records concerning others of the name to about 1650. If it be remarked that the list embraces principally those who became eminent by civil or military service or selects from the ranks of the nobility the suggestion is made that the ancient records dealgenerally with no others the memory of the undistinguished finding no biographers. The list immediately following presents another English group to be succeeded later by a batch of Scotch cousins 1601 Nov 9 Mr F Moore, MP Nov 20 Sir George Moore, MP and to 1626 or later often in debate May 19th of this latter year Sir George was committed for utterances disrespectful to the king.

His words were We were born free and must continue free if the king would keep his kingdom Four days later he was set free and returned to the House of Commons. There was a George Moore Esq of Mayds Morton baronet Buckinghamshire.

1602 John Moore sheriff London 1612 Francis and John More serjeants at law. The same year a Mr Moore with sixty people landed at Bermuda and builded a city. The record says “They builded the chief Towne there called St George together with 8 or 9 Forts.”

1613 William son of Rafe Moore gentleman St Albans. This year an official call of serjeants at law in London disclosed eleven among whom were Francis and John Moore the latter of Ipswich 1614 Henry Moore Lincolnshire philosopher and theologian.

1617 In this year was born Sir Jonas Moore Lancashire celebrated as one of the founders of the Royal Society. He was at one time a surveyor general of ordnance under Cromwell.

1626 Sir Richard Moore Esq Aylesbury Kent He 1 in 1644.

162 7 Henry Moore was created a baronct.

163o Sir Edward Moore Southampton.

1635 Jan 2 Mr Richard Moore of the Old Jury died in London.

164o Thomas Moor Esq MP John Moore of Bank Hall.

1642 Paynings Moore created a baronet. He was of Loseley Surrey and June 22 1649.

1646 J0hn Moore of Suffolk and William of New Brentford.

I648 John Moore Esq MP afterwards famous as one of the Lancashire Colonels under Fairfax See Comments.

1649 The town of Drogheda was taken by storm by the troops under Cromwell and all who were found in arms were butchered including the governor. As the Drogheda Moores were loyal to the king's cause the career of more than one ancestor was summarily ended See Comments .

1653 Samuel Moore from Bishops Castle. MP About this time Thomas Moore was an officer in the custom house and his brother was governor of Ludlow Castle. There were several Moores in Parliament from Bishops Castle from 1653 to 1695 or later including Richard Robert and Arthur.

1659 Edward Moore Esq Moore Hall Lancaster baronet. There was also an estate called Moores Exeter and Moore Parke Hertfordshire.

“EXPLANATORY COMMENTS “ John Moore Esq and C01 in Parliament in 1648 had an eventful history He was one of the Commissioners of the Court for the trial of Charles I He wasa Colonel in Cromwell's army and at one time commanded the Parliamentary Guard With Col Rigby he bore a conspicuous part in the siege of Latham l louse successfully defended for two years by the Countess of Derby one of the most heroic defenses in the annals of any nation.

The particulars of this most memorableorable siege are accessible and need not be here recounted Col Moore is known to have cast his vote for the condemnation of Charles and to have signed his death warrant The original warrant is now in possession of the House of Lords Moore died about 1650 and in 1660 with Cromwell Ireton and others though dead he was specially exempted from pardon and his estates and person made subject to penalties and forfeiture His association with Alexander Rigby gives an added interest to the scanty knowledge we have of him His residence at the date of the siege 1644 was at Bank Hall sometimes called Moore Hall After the siege was raised he was returned to Parliament from Liverpool and the Commons granted him 21 gratuity of four pounds weekly See the Moore Rental For additional particulars concerning him see Notes and Queries for July 6 l872 where MJ Thom's account of the regicides will be found Fellowe's Sketches Josiah Ricroft's Survey Stiles Judges Nelson's Hist Trial of Charles I Noble's Hist Regicides 2 vols

At the storming of Drogheda in I649 Cromwell commanded in Person The defence was stubborn the loss heavy and the troops were wild with rage Var ing accounts are given of the atrocities committed by the victorious assailants but there is no oubt the scenes enacted were frightful The mildest account admits that no less than every tenth soldier was butchered and the rest sent to Barbadoes It is noteworthy that among the lists of rebels sent to Barbadoes were quite a number of Moores The Bishops Castle Moores were evidently of more than common consequence They were said to be of great antiquity dating back as early as the 13th century and its members were prominent in the armyas well as in Parliament It is perhaps worthy of note that one of the Bishops Castle Moores was named Jasper This brings to our mind the query Was little Jasper Moore brought over in the Mayflower by Carver a descendant of this house or merely a namesake How near the dates are the poor Mayflower bud which never lived to open upon our bleak shores 1620 the noble Jasper l613 Little Jasper left behind him a brother Richard of whom more anon.