The Bloody fields of America

These clansmen and women of Clan Muir, who left Scotland or Great Britain,  weather to seek a new life, explorers, prisoners of war or whatever their situation may be at that time headed for the New World, and settled down in Modern day United States. These clansmen and women would played a vital role in creating a new nation, and making history. They would face many hardships, and many bloody conflicts. Good amount of them would make a long journey that was bound for the America in 1620 on the Mayflower.

The King Philips War
The King Philips War was fought on June 20 1675- April 12, 1678, and was sometimes called the first Indian War or Metacom's war/ rebellion, was an armed conflict between the Native American and the English Colonies. Our clansmen once again answer the called to fight against the Indians. Such clansmen like Edmond Moore fought under the command of Capt. Thomas Lathrop at the battle of the Bloody Brook on Sept. 18, 1675 in South Deerfield, Mass. This is where the Indians ambushed the English Colonists that were escorting or on the wagon train going from Deerfield to Hadley. The Indians were victorious in their ambush leaving 40 Militia men and 17 teamsters dead out of 79.

Other Moores like Danfell and Richard Moore who were at the siege of Blackpoint Garrison, which these colonists surrender to the Indians. There was an unknown clansman under the command of Capt. Peirse's company that was presented at the skirmish of Seekonk. In this battle, the company rush into battle and was suddenly ambush by the Indians, and the company was destroyed by the Indians. Meanwhile another force led by Capt. Nicholas Manning and his company fought in the Mount Hope campaign and also at the battle of the Great Swamp. In this company was a man named, Jonathan Moore who fought along side with the New England confederation.

The Great Swamp Battle took place on the bitterly cold and stormy day of Dec. 9, 1675. The Militia from Plymouth Colony, Connecticut colony, and Massachusetts Bay Colony was heading towards Narragansett settlement in South Kingstown, Rhode Island by an Indian guide named Indian Peter. The massive fort occupied about 5 acres of land and was initially occupied by thousand of people, but it was eventually overrun after a fierce fight. The settlement was burned, it's inhabitants killed or evicted, and most of the tribe's winter stores were destroyed. It is believed that at least 97 Narragansett warriors and some where between 300-1,000 non- combatants were killed.

Many of the warriors and their families escaped into the frozen swamp: hundreds more died there from wounds combined with the harsh conditions. The colonists lost many of their officers in this assault, and about 70 of their men were killed and nearly 150 were wounded. the dead and the wounded colonial militiamen were evacuated to the settlements on Aquidneck Island in Narragansett bay where they buried or cared for by many of the Rhode Island colonists.

Queen Anne's War/ War of the Spanish Succession
Queen Anne's War (1702–1713) was the second in a series of French and Indian Wars fought in England's Thirteen American Colonies; in Europe, it is viewed as the North American theater of the War of the Spanish Succession. It was fought between France and England (plus England's colonial forces) for control of the American continent, while the War of the Spanish Succession was primarily fought in Europe. The war also involved numerous American Indian tribes allied with each nation, and Spain was allied with France. It is also known as the Third Indian War or in France as the Second Intercolonial War. It was fought on three fronts:

1. Spanish Florida and the English Province of Carolina attacked one another, and the English forces engaged the French based at Mobile, Alabama in a proxy war involving allied Indians on both sides. The southern war did not result in significant territorial changes, but it had the effect of nearly wiping out the Indian population of Spanish Florida, including parts of southern Georgia, and destroying the network of Spanish missions in Florida.
2. The English colonies of New England fought against French and Indian forces based in Acadia and Canada. Quebec City was repeatedly targeted by British expeditions, and the Acadian capital Port Royal was taken in 1710. The French and Wabanaki Confederacy sought to thwart New England expansion into Acadia, whose border New France defined as the Kennebec River in southern Maine. Toward this end, they executed raids against targets in the Province of Massachusetts Bay (including Maine), most famously the raid on Deerfield in 1704.
3. English colonists based at St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador disputed control of the island with the French based at Plaisance. Most of the conflict consisted of economically destructive raids on settlements. The French successfully captured St. John's in 1709, but the British quickly reoccupied it after the French abandoned it.

James Moore was a Commander/ Officer during this war and lead a campaign in the Carolina and Florida. The Siege of St. Augustine was an action in Queen Anne's War during November and December 1702.  It was conducted by English provincial forces from the Province of Carolina and their native allies, under the command of Carolina's governor James Moore, against the Spanish colonial fortress of Castillo de San Marcos at St. Augustine, in Spanish Florida.  After destroying coastal Spanish communities north of St. Augustine, Moore's forces arrived at St. Augustine on 10 November, and immediately began siege operations.  The Spanish governor, José de Zúñiga y la Cerda, had advance warning of their arrival, and withdrew civilians and food supplies into the fortress, and also sent messengers to nearby Spanish and French communities for relief.  The English guns did little damage to the fortress walls, prompting Governor Moore to send an appeal to Jamaica for larger guns.  The Spanish calls for relief were successful; a fleet sent from Havana, Cuba landed troops nearby on 29 December.  Moore lifted the siege the next day, and was forced to burn many of his boats before retreating to Charles Town in disgrace.  

Daniell's forces landed on Amelia Island, and began attacks on the northern end of the island at midnight on 3 November, killing two Spanish soldiers and overrunning the village of San Pedro de Tupiqui. They advanced south, driving southward a flood of refugees and the few Spanish troops on the island.[18] The main settlements at San Felipe and San Marcos were overrun the next day, as the Spanish were in the process of evacuating them. Zúñiga learned of the advance on 5 November, and sent 20 men under Captain Joseph de Horruytiner north, with instructions to make a stand at San Juan del Puerto, seven leagues from St. Augustine, which Zúñiga saw as the "key to the province of Guale". The news also prompted Zúñiga to mobilize all able-bodied men over 14, and order all available food into the fort.

Horruytiner never made it beyond the St. Johns River; he did capture three enemy soldiers (two Englishmen and a Chiluque Indian) on 6 November, and returned with them to St. Augustine two days later. Zúñiga learned from these captives that the English had brought three months' provisions, and that they had only brought smaller cannons (6 to 10 pounders). In the meantime, Moore sailed south with the fleet. Three ships were sent ahead of the main fleet to blockade the entrance to Matanzas Bay, south of St. Augustine. These were spotted from the fort on 7 November. The next day the main body of the fleet began arriving at the bar outside the St. Augustine inlet. This prompted Zúñiga to order his two frigates, La Gloria and Nuestra Señora de la Piedad y el Niño Jesús, to anchor under the fort's guns. The Nuestra, which was outside the bar, was unable to cross, and was eventually burned. Sixteen of her men joined the fort's garrison, providing valuable gunnery skills.

Daniell's force, after being landed, made good progress. The small Spanish force on Amelia Island was unable to check the English advance at San Juan del Puerto, and was dispersed; some of them took days to reach St. Augustine. Daniels continued to advance, and entered the town of St. Augustine without resistance on 10 November. Eight of the English ships crossed the bar and began landing men that day. As the English began to close the circle around the fortress, a Spanish foraging expedition successfully drove 163 head of cattle through the English lines and into the fort's (dry) moat.

The Spanish guns opened fire on the English as they began siege preparations on 10 November. One of the older Spanish cannon exploded that day, killing three and wounding five. A few days later, Zúñiga ordered a sally to destroy portions of the town within firing range of the fort; according to later accounts, this action destroyed more than 15,000 pesos worth of property.Moore had brought four small cannon, but these made little impression on the coquina walls of the fortress, and the Spanish guns had longer range, keeping most of his forces at bay.

Around November 22, Moore dispatched Deputy Governor Daniell to Jamaica for larger cannons and ammunition. The English continued digging siege trenches, and began firing on the fortress from musket range on November 24. This cannon fire continued to have little effect, and Moore ordered more of the town torched the next day, including the Franciscan monastery. Since his cannon were not effective against the fort's walls, Moore attempted a deception to gain entry to the fort. On 14 December a Yamasee couple managed to gain entry to the fort posing as refugees, apparently with the goal of detonating the fort's powder magazine. However, Zúñiga was suspicious of their behavior and, according to his account of the siege, they were tortured into admitting the plot. By 19 December the English trenches had closed on the fort to the point that they threatened nearby fields from which the Spanish had been collecting forage. As a result, Zúñiga ordered a sally. There was a skirmish, and Spanish casualties were light: one killed and several wounded.

Spanish leaders at San Luis de Apalachee (present-day Tallahassee, Florida) began mobilizing when they received the news of the siege. Short on supplies, they appealed to the French at Mobile, who provided critical guns and gunpowder; the Pensacola garrison also spared ten men. The relief force left San Luis de Apalachee on December 24, but turned back when news was received that the siege had been lifted.[33]


Also on December 24, sails from a pair of ships were spotted approaching St. Augustine. English records do not indicate what these ships were; Spanish records show that they were English in origin, but probably not from Jamaica, since the nature of the siege did not change with their arrival. The expedition to Jamaica, having failed in its mission, returned directly to Charles Town. Spanish messengers from Pensacola eventually reported St. Augustine's plight to Havana. Governor Pedro Nicolás Benítez held a war council on December 2, in which a relief expedition was organized. A detachment of over 200 infantry under the command of Captain López de Solloso was embarked on a small fleet headed by General Estevan de Berroa in the Black Eagle.[36] Berroa's fleet arrived outside St. Augustine's harbor on December 28. Apparently believing the siege to already be over, Berroa did not land any troops. The next day, Governor Zúñiga sneaked some men out of the fort and made contact with the fleet. Berroa then landed Solloso and about 70 raw recruits on Anastasia Island, about 3 miles (4.8 km) below the fort.

This action prompted Moore to lift the siege and prepare a retreat Berroa also dispatched smaller ships to block the southern inlet to Matanzas Bay, trapping some of Moore's ships in the bayMoore ordered the remaining buildings in the town, including the church, put to the torch. Some of his men departed north via the mainland, while the rest crossed Matanzas Bay to their boats. Moore burned the eight ships trapped in the bay, and retreated to the north, eventually returning to Charles Town in disgrace. Zúñiga sent men out after the English departure; they were able to recover three of the English boats that failed to burn completely. Casualty reports made by both sides varied; historian Charles Arnade notes that all of the numbers reported are probably unreliable. Moore's report listed only two men killed, while Zúñiga in his report claimed that more than 60 of the English force were killed. Zúñiga claimed only three or four killed and 20 wounded for the Spanish contingent, none of which were caused by English cannon fire.

Moore was forced to resign his post as governor because of the failed raid, and its cost to the province (which included compensating owners for the loss of their ships) caused riots in Charles Town. Some of Moore's contemporary critics accused him of executing the raid for the purpose of seizing slaves or booty; the Spanish characterized it in religious terms, citing the "English provincial hatred against the Church of God." Moore continued to be active in the war, leading a small number of Carolinians and a large band of Indians on the destruction of Spanish missions in Florida in 1704. By 1705 the English and their Indian allies had destroyed 32 Spanish mission communities, and by 1711 there were reported to be only about 400 Indians left in Florida.

The only major event of former Carolina Governor James Moore's expedition was the Battle of Ayubale, which marked the only large-scale resistance to the English raids. Significant numbers of the Apalachee, unhappy with the conditions they lived in under the Spanish, simply abandoned their towns and joined Moore's expedition. They were resettled near the Savannah and Ocmulgee Rivers, where conditions were only slightly better. Moore's raiding expedition was preceded and followed by other raiding activity that was principally conducted by English-allied Creeks. The cumulative effect of these raids, conducted between 1702 and 1709, was to depopulate Spanish Florida beyond the immediate confines of Saint Augustine and Pensacola.

Following the battle at Ayubale, Moore continued his march through Apalachee. One village, San Lorenzo de Ivitachuco, survived when its leader surrendered his church's gold ornaments and a train of supplies.[2] Moore moved slowly, since many of the Apalachee apparently wanted to leave with the English. According to his report, most of the population of seven villages joined his march voluntarily.
In Moore's report of the expedition he claimed to have killed more than 1,100 men, women, and children. He also stated that he "removed into exile" 300 and "captured as slaves" more than 4,300 people, mostly women and children.[23] The only major missions to survive in Apalachee were San Luis and San Lorenzo de Ivitachuco.

The Spanish at first attempted to fortify these places, but they were eventually judged to be indefensible and abandoned. The survivors were consolidated at Abosaya, east of San Francisco de Potano. James Moore did not identify by name the places his force destroyed. Historian Mark Boyd has analyzed English and Spanish sources documenting the missions and the effects of Moore's raid. According to his analysis, the following missions were the ones most likely to have been destroyed:

• La Concepción de Ayubale
• San Francisco de Oconi
• San Antonio de Bacqua
• San Martín de Tomole
• Santa Cruz y San Pedro de Alcántara de Ychuntafun

Spanish authorities in St. Augustine and Pensacola mobilized their meager forces, but did not return to Ayubale until after Moore's force had clearly left the area.  They buried the Christian dead, many of whom they reported as exhibiting evidence of torture. Despite the losses, they did not immediately abandon or consolidate the missions until further raiding took place, after which the demoralized surviving Apalachee insisted they would either retreat to Pensacola or go over to the English.

American Revolutionary War:
The next conflict in which the Moore(s) took part in was the American Revolutionary War against the British Empire. During the American Revolutionary war about 7,000- 12,000 Moore(s) including the different variant spellings of Moore participate during this war, while serving in the Continental army, and few with the British army. Their roles during this war has help the American army to be the very first rebel force to defeat the great British empire.

Thomas Moore and Francis Moore were participated in the Boston Tea Party. But the most interesting biographical fact is that the Francis Moore was the only documented participant who participated in the Boston Tea Party undisguised. This fact is mentioned on his headstone at a cemetery in Lynn, MA. Moore moved to Lynn soon after the Revolution and spent the remainder of his long life there. The Lynn Record of August fourteenth, 1833, in a notice of his death gives a short account of the part that he took in the Revolutionary struggle. It speaks of him as one of the few daring individuals who participated in the celebrated act of throwing over the tea in Boston Harbor. Unlike most of his comrades who were dressed as Indians, Francis Moore participate in the Tea Party openly and without disguise.

The Battle of Alamance
The Battle of Alamance was the final battle of the War of the Regulation, a rebellion in colonial North Carolina over issues of taxation and local control. Some historians in the late nineteenth-early twentieth centuries considered the battle to be the opening salvo of the American Revolution, and locals agreed with this assessment. Yet, this has been questioned by present-day historians arguing that the Regulators (though viewed in the eyes of the royal governor and his allies as being in rebellion against King, country, and law) were not intending a complete overthrow of His Majesty's Government in North Carolina. They were only standing up against those certain local officials who had become corrupt and unworthy tools of the King, and they only turned to riot and armed rebellion as a last resort when all other peaceful means through petitions, elections to the Assembly, etc. had failed to redress their grievances. Many surviving ex-Regulators became loyalists during the Revolution, and several anti-Regulators [e.g. William Hooper, Alexander Martin, and Francis Nash] became patriots during the Revolution. Named for nearby Great Alamance Creek, the battle took place in what was then Orange County and has since become Alamance County in the central Piedmont about 6 miles (9.7 km) south of present-day Burlington, North Carolina.

According to Tryon's journal, the following men served under his command in the Colonial Militia:

• Major-generals: John Ashe and Thomas Lloyd
• Lieutenant-generals: John Rutherford, Lewis Henry deRosset, John Sampson, Robert Palmer, Benjamin Heron, and Samuel Strudwick
• Majors of brigade: Abner Nash and Robert Howe
• Colonels: Alexander Osborne, Edmund Fanning, Robert Harris, James Sampson, Samuel Spencer, James Moore, and Maurice Moore
• Lieutenant-colonels: John Frohock, Moses Alexander, Alexander Lillington, John Gray, Samuel Benton, and Robert Schaw
• Majors: William Bullock, Walter Lindsay, Thomas Lloyd, Martin Fifer, and John Hinton
• Alexander Lillington and James Moore were both American patriots at the Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge
• Richard Caswell was delegate to the Continental Congress in Philadelphia, one of the principal authors of the 1776 constitution of North Carolina, and the first governor of the newly independent state
• Francis Nash, whose guilt for extortion precipitated the War of the Regulation, fought and died as an American patriot in the Revolution
• Griffith Rutherford served as a brigadier general in the Continental Army

On the evening of May 15, Tryon received word that the Regulators were camped about six miles away. The next morning, at about 8:00 am, Tryon's troops set out to a field about one-half mile from the camp of the Regulators. He formed two lines, and divided his artillery between the wings and the center of the first line. The Regulators remained disorganized, with no leadership – no officer ranked higher than captain – and no anticipation of an attack, expecting that their superior numbers would frighten Tryon's militia.
Tryon sent one of his aides-de-camp, Captain Philemon Hawkins II, and the Sheriff of Orange County with a proclamation:


While the terms were being read, Tryon's troops began to move forward. Shortly after that, Tryon was informed that the Regulators had rejected his terms. Herman Husband, a Quaker, realizing violence was about to take place, left the area.
By midday the hour had expired. Tryon sent one final warning:


Some of the Regulators petitioned the Royal Governor to give up seven captured Regulators in exchange for two of his men that they had captured the previous day. Tryon agreed, but after a half an hour, the captured officers did not appear. He became suspicious that his positions were being flanked and ordered the militia to march within 30 yards of the Regulators. Shortly thereafter, a large crowd of Regulators appeared in front of the militia, waving their hats and daring the militia to open fire.

At about this time, two men who had been attempting to negotiate a peace between the two sides left Tryon's camp: Reverend Caldwell and Robert Thompson. Caldwell made it to the field between the two lines, but was warned by the Regulators, who saw that the Governor was about to open fire. Thompson was detained by Tryon as a prisoner. Tryon, in a moment of anger, took a musket from a militiaman and shot Thompson dead. Realizing what he had done, he sent a flag bearer named Donald Malcolm with a white flag in hopes of calming things quickly. The flag bearer was himself fired upon by the Regulators, who called out, "Fire and be damned".

The Regulators lacked the leadership, organization, and ammunition that Tryon had, but the early course of the battle went well for them. They employed what was referred to as "Indian style" fighting, hiding behind trees and avoiding structure and lines. This allowed two of the Regulators, brothers named McPherson, to capture one of Tryon's three cannons. Unfortunately for them, the Regulators had no ammunition and it could not be used.

A man considered one of the principal military leaders of the Regulators, Captain Montgomery, was killed by a shell at about the same time a bullet hit Tryon's hat. The Governor sent a second white flag, but the aide-de-camp was killed while regulator Patrick Muller called for his fellow insurgents to cease fire. Outraged at the disregard of a second white flag, the Governor rallied his troops against the insurgents, whose ammunition was running out. Many of the Regulators fled the field. Delays prevented the 300 reinforcements under Captain Benjamin Merrill from arriving in time. Some of the Regulators remained behind to continue firing upon the militia. Tryon then ordered the woods to be set on fire.

Losses for both sides are disputed. Tryon reported nine dead and 61 wounded among the militia. Other historians indicate much greater numbers, between 15 and 27 killed.Both sides counted nine dead among the Regulators and from dozens to over one-hundred wounded.
Tryon took 13 prisoners. One of them, James Few, was executed at the camp, and six were executed later in nearby Hillsborough. Many Regulators traveled on to frontier areas beyond North Carolina. The Royal Governor pardoned others and allowed them to stay on the condition that they pledge an oath of allegiance to the royal government. The battle took place in what was then Orange County. During the American Revolution a decade later, the same section of Orange County (subdivided into Alamance County in 1849) saw several minor skirmishes, including the infamous Pyle's Hacking Match in 1781. Recent archaeological studies at the site have shown that the area now known as Alamance Battleground was also the site of another skirmish in the revolutionary war and of a civil war era Confederate encampment.

Battle of Moore's Creek:
Pursuant to resolutions of the Second Continental Congress, the provincial congress had raised the 1st North Carolina Regiment of the Continental Army in fall 1775, and given command to Colonel James Moore. By the time of their arrival at Moore's Creek, the Loyalist contingent had shrunk to between 700 and 800 men. About 600 of these were Scots and the remainder were Regulators. Furthermore, the marching had taken its toll on the elderly MacDonald; he fell ill and turned command over to Lieutenant Colonel Donald MacLeod. The Loyalists broke camp at 1 am on February 27 and marched the few miles from their camp to the bridge. Arriving shortly before dawn, they found the defenses on the west side of the bridge unoccupied. MacLeod ordered his men to adopt a defensive line behind nearby trees when a Revolutionary sentry across the river fired his musket to warn Caswell of the Loyalist arrival. Hearing this, MacLeod immediately ordered the attack.

In the pre-dawn mist, a company of Scots approached the bridge. In response to a call for identification shouted across the creek, Captain Alexander Mclean identified himself as a friend of the King, and responded with his own challenge in Gaelic. Hearing no answer, he ordered his company to open fire, beginning an exchange of gunfire with the Patriot sentries. Colonel MacLeod and Captain John Campbell then led a picked company of swordsmen on a charge across the bridge.

During the night, Caswell and his men had established a semicircular earthworks around the bridge end, and armed them with two small pieces of field artillery. When the Scots were within 30 paces of the earthworks, the Patriots opened fire to devastating effect. MacLeod and Campbell both went down in a hail of gunfire; Colonel Moore reported that MacLeod had been struck by upwards of 20 musket balls. Armed only with swords and faced with overwhelming firepower from muskets and artillery, the Scots could do little else other than retreat. The surviving elements of Campbell's company got back over the bridge, and the Loyalist force dissolved and retreated.

Capitalizing on the success, the Revolutionary forces quickly replaced the bridge planking and gave chase. One enterprising company led by one of Caswell's lieutenants forded the creek above the bridge, flanking the retreating Loyalists. Colonel Moore arrived on the scene a few hours after the battle. He stated in his report that 30 Loyalists were killed or wounded, "but as numbers of them must have fallen into the creek, besides more that were carried off, I suppose their loss may be estimated at fifty." The Revolutionary leaders reported one killed and one wounded.

The Battle of King's Mountain
The seven Colonels chose Co!. William Campbell to act as overall commander. The Overmountain Men moved south in search of Major Patrick Ferguson. From the Rebel spy Joseph Kerr, they learned that Ferguson was thirty miles to the north, camped at Kings Mountain. It is said that Isaac Shelby was especially delighted to learn that Ferguson was quoted as saying, "He was on King's Mountain, that he was King of that mountain and that God Almighty and all the Rebels of Hell could not drive him from it." Shelby was very familiar with the Kings Mountain region and knew that it could prove to be an almost impossible position to defend. The Colonels wanted to catch up with Ferguson before he reached Charlotte and Lt. General Charles Cornwallis' protection, so they chose 900 of the best men and quickly made their way north. The combined force of Overmountain Men arrived at Kings Mountain the afternoon of October 7, 1780. Having little insight into the methods and philosophies of warfare of the southern frontiersmen, Ferguson had chosen the position feeling no enemy could fire upon him without showing themselves. The Patriot force decided to surround the mountain and use continuous fire to slowly close in like an unavoidable noose.

The force was divided into four columns. Col. Isaac Shelby and Col. Wm. Campbell led the interior columns, with Shelby on the left and Campbell on the right. Colonel John Sevier led the right flanking column and Colonel Benjamin Cleveland the left. They moved into their respective positions and began moving toward the summit. The battle commenced at 3 o'clock with the middle two columns exchanging fire with Major Ferguson for fifteen minutes while the flanking columns moved into position. Ferguson used Provincial Corps to drive back Colonels Campbell and Shelby with a bayonet charge, but then his troops had to fall back from under sharpshooter fire.

Ferguson was right in believing that his attackers would expose themselves to musket fire if they attempted to scale the summit. But he did not realize that his men could only fire if they went into the open, rendering themselves vulnerable to returning rifle fire. Most all of the Patriot troops were skilled hunters, woodsmen and above all, "riflemen" who routinely killed fast moving animals to feed themselves. Most were veterans of many years of frontier Indians war and were experts on "tree to tree" no rules combat. On this day, Ferguson's men would find escaping an impossible task.

Because of their exposed position, Major Ferguson's men were being overwhelmed. The sharpshooters were picking them off from behind rocks, trees and brush that surrounded the summit; while the Loyalists' aim was high, a common sighting problem when shooting downhill. The Overmountain Men gained a foothold on the summit, driving back the staggering Loyalists. The noose was quickly closing in. Major Ferguson's bold and final attempt was to try and personally cut a path through the Patriot line so his forces might possibly escape, but this heroic effort failed as Ferguson fell from his horse, his body riddled with bullets. Some accounts say he died before he hit the ground; others say that his men propped him against a tree, where he died. Ferguson was the only British soldier killed in the battle, all others were Americans, either Loyalist or Patriot.

Ferguson's second-in-command, Capt. Abraham DePevster, bravely continued to fight for a brief time, but the confusion was so great and his followers in such a vulnerable position that he realized further resistance was suicidal. He quickly raised the white flag of surrender. He surrendered his sword to Major Evan Shelby, Jr., younger brother of Kentucky's first Governor Isaac Shelby. Gen. William Campbell was the commanding officer of the day, but it is said that he had removed his tattered coat "and with open collar", not recognized as the commander. Despite the call for surrender by the Loyalists, the Patriot Colonels could not immediately stop their men from shooting. Many Patriots remembered that the notorious "Tarleton" had mowed down Patriot troops at Waxhaws despite the fact they were trying to surrender. But eventually...the fighting at Kings Mountain diminished.

Captain William Moore, commanding a Company in Col. William Campbell's Regiment was with them. They surrounded the mountain top defenses of Ferguson, with Campbell's Command being stationed at the southwest siege lines. Colonel John Sevier's line of battle connected to Campbell's line, on the north west. The other commands completed the surrounding Ferguson. Ferguson had made a terrible tactical mistake. Being on top of a mountain, the attackers did not have to be concerned about friendly fire - they were firing upwards, hence, all sides of the attacking force could fire into Ferguson's position.

It soon became clear to Ferguson that he was trapped and would be disseminated by the frontiersmen's accurate fire. He launched not one, but four, bayonet charges to try to break through the Patriot's lines. fierce hand-to-hand combat ensued, but to no avail. The Patriots had him trapped and were not going to let him escape. After several hours of extremely heavy fighting and Ferguson having been killed, the surviving British and Loyalists surrendered.

AFTERMATH OF THE ENCOUNTER 

The battle had lasted a little over an hour and not a single man of Ferguson's force escaped. Though the number of casualties reported varies from source to source, some of the most commonly reported figures are that 225 Loyalists had been killed, 163 wounded and 716 were captured, while only 28 Patriots were killed, including Colonel James Williams, and 68 wounded. When General Cornwallis learned of Major Patrick Ferguson's defeat, he retreated from Charlotte, North Carolina back to Winnsborough, South Carolina.

Historians agree that the Battle of Kings Mountain was the "beginning of the end" of British rule in its former colonies. In less than one hour of battle, the Overmountain Men not only captured the day but also undermined the British strategy for keeping America under its control. A defeat so crushing as that suffered by Major Patrick Ferguson is rare in any war. Although skewed, his position on Kings Mountain was thoughtfully selected using much experience and consideration. The plateau of the mountain was just large enough to serve as a battleground for his command and to provide space for his camp and wagon train. Water was near and plentiful. The slopes of the mountain would hinder the advance of the attackers. When attacked he expected that any retreat would be rendered perilous by flanking or encircling detachments, a condition he desired as his militia would be put to the task to stand and fight instead of having the choice to flee. From Patrick Ferguson's point of view, a better position on which to take a stand could not have been found.

It can be assumed without a shred of doubt that Patrick Ferguson utterly underestimated the courage of the mountain men. Their apparent advantage in numbers did not discourage him from offering battle; otherwise he would have continued his march on October 7th in the direction of Charlotte and Cornwallis. But had he known that these Overmountain Men would so aggressively stand and fight with a fierceness and conviction never before experienced in his southern campaign, I'm sure he would have been much more cautious and considerably less heroic.

Colonel Campbell's men fought extremely well during the whole of the action, but it was a costly victory. Among the dead were 2 Captains, 4 lieutenants, 7 ensigns and 18 enlisted. Among the wounded was Captain William Moore - shot through the leg. So badly wounded was William that his leg had to be amputated on the field of battle.

Catherine Moore during the Revolutionary War
Catherine Moore Barry served her country with bravery and intelligence as a spy and messenger, and was instrumental in the pivotal Battle of Cowpens. This battle was a turning point in the reconquest of South Carolina from the British forces and ultimately lead to the Battle of Yorktown when General Washington accepted the surrender of General Cornwallis. She became one of the first American Heroines and was decorated with several medals after the War for Independence by South Carolina.

Catherine Moore was born on October 22, 1752, to Charles and Mary Moore. Catherine who was known as “Kate” was the eldest of ten children. She lived with her family in Piedmont, South Carolina until she married Andrew Barry at age 15. She moved with her husband to Walnut Grove Plantation in Roebuck, South Carolina. She had three children with her husband.

Kate was instrumental in warning the militia of the invading British forces before the Battle of Cowpens in 1781 using her extensive knowledge of the area to help the Patriots. According to legend, she tied her toddler to the bedpost while she rode out to warn neighbors that the British Army was advancing. She knew the Indian trails well and was able to notify the colonial militia forces of the approaching army. The British, under command of General Cornwallis were trying to stomp out Patriot resistance in the southern colonies. General Morgan was the commander of the American forces and he realized that he was out-manned. Morgan turned to Kate for help and she single-handedly rounded up an impressive amount of local Patriots to join Morgan’s cause. With her help, General Morgan laid a trap for General Corwallis and his men. After the trap proved as a success, Cornwallis retreated right into the hands of George Washington in Yorktown, Virginia.
Her husband Andrew became a general in the war, and Kate often assisted him in battle. Kate became a spy and a messenger in the War for Independence. She was a great asset to the Patriots, because she had a strong knowledge of the lands in South Carolina and was courageous in her service.

Many others Moore(s) fought in many battles which includes The Battle of Great Crane, Snow Campaign, Burnswick town, Brandywine creek, other battles and campaigns in the South; while in the Northern Campaign they fought in the battle of Trenton, Battle of Monmouth, Bernis Heights, The battles of Saratoga, Bunker Hill and many others.

Texas War of Independence
In remembrance of the clansmen who helped fought to liberate Texas from Mexico. These are the heroes of the Texas Revolution War. The Texas Revolution took take on October 2, 1835- April 21, 1836.

John W. Moore

John W. Moore, signer of the Texas Declaration of Independence and early Texas official, was born in Pennsylvania about 1797. He traveled to Texas from Tennessee in 1830 and settled in Harrisburg Municipality. In December 1831 the ayuntamiento of San Felipe de Austin announced his election as comisario of the precinct of San Jacinto. Moore was a friend of William B. Travis and was with him on July 30, 1835, when a company of volunteers under Travis forced the capitulation of Antonio Tenorio at the fort at Anahuac. Moore was a delegate from Harrisburg to the Consultation and was elected contractor for the army by the
General Council on November 18, 1835.

He was one of the three representatives from Harrisburg at the Convention of 1836 at Washington-on-the-Brazos and signed the Declaration of Independence. On October 3, 1836, Moore was seated in the House of the First Congress of the Republic of Texas as a member from Harrisburg County, but his election was contested and Jesse H. Cartwright was seated in his stead on October 11. In January 1837 Moore was elected captain of the Second Militia District and sheriff of Harrisburg County; he held the latter post at least until November 30, 1840. In 1839 he served as a trustee for the newly formed Harrisburg Town Company. On January 6, 1840, he was elected an alderman of the city of Houston. He was a charter member of the first Independent Order of Odd Fellows lodge of Texas, organized at Houston on July 25, 1838.
John H. Moore John Henry Moore, one of the Old Three Hundred and a participant in the Texas Revolution, was born in Rome, Tennessee, on August 13, 1800. According to tradition he ran away from college in Tennessee to avoid studying Latin and went to Texas in 1818. His father took him back to Tennessee, after which Moore returned to Texas in 1821 as one of the first settlers on the upper Colorado River. He fought the Indians along the Colorado in 1823 and 1824 and went into partnership with Thomas Gray as one of Stephen F. Austin's original settlers. Moore and Gray received title to a league and a labor of land now in Brazoria and Colorado counties on August 16, 1824. The census of March 1826 listed Moore as a farmer and stock raiser, aged between twenty-five and forty.
Col. John H. Moore, Commander at the Battle of Gonzales

He was then a single man with two servants. He married Eliza Cummins, daughter of James Cummins, probably before 1828, when he built a twin blockhouse called Moore's Fort at the site where La Grange was established on May 17, 1831. Moore lived at La Grange until 1838, when he built a home on his plantation nine miles north of the town. In 1834 he led an expedition against the Waco and Tawakoni Indians on the upper Brazos River, and in July 1835 he organized four companies of volunteers to attack the Tawakonis in Limestone County. In September 1835 he warned of the expected Mexican attack and was so outspoken in favor of Texas independence that he was ordered arrested by Martín Perfecto de Cos. On September 25, 1835, the Committee of Safety at Gonzales asked Moore for reinforcements, and he marched to Gonzales to take command of the Texans in the battle of Gonzales on October 2. He is said to have designed the "Come and Take It" banner (see GONZALES "COME AND TAKE IT" CANNON).

He was elected colonel of the volunteer army, and after serving as a member of the council of war called to discuss the best means of protection against the enemy, he was ordered by Austin to organize a cavalry company of the men who had pistols and double-barreled shotguns. In January 1839 Moore commanded three companies of volunteers in a campaign against the Comanches. When he returned from that campaign he was personally directed by President Sam Houston to raise 200 men to protect San Antonio from both Indian and Mexican attacks. Again in October 1840 he fought the Comanches between the Concho and Colorado rivers and carved his name on the ruins of the old San Sabá Presidio. In March 1842 Moore commanded two companies of volunteers raised in the Fayette County area to assist in driving Mexican raiders under the command of Rafael Vásquez from San Antonio.

In July 1842 he was authorized to raise 200 volunteers for the defense of the western frontier. While pursuing Indians who attacked on Cummins Creek in August 1842 Moore became so ill with inflammatory rheumatism that the Telegraph and Texas Register announced his death on August 17, 1842. The report, however, was premature. During the raid of Gen. Adrián Woll on San Antonio during September 1842, Moore again raised a company of volunteers and, serving under the command of Mathew Caldwell, participated in the pursuit of Woll to the Rio Grande. In September 1861 Moore enrolled in Company F, Terry's Texas Rangers (the Eighth Texas Cavalryqv). Too old to fight, he was appointed to a committee to secure bonds to finance the war. During the Civil War he lost most of his property, much of which was slaves, but he recovered financially before his death. He died on December 2, 1880, though the marker erected at his grave by the Texas Centennial Commission in 1936 gives the date of his death as February 25, 1877. Moore was buried in the family cemetery eight miles north of La Grange.

The Battle of Gonzales
Ponton anticipated that Ugartechea would send more troops to force the handover of the cannon. As soon as the first group of soldiers left Gonzales, Ponton sent a messenger to the closest town, Mina, to request help. Word quickly spread that up to 300 soldiers were expected to march on Gonzales. Stephen Austin, one of the most respected men in Texas and the de facto leader of the settlers, sent messengers to inform surrounding communities of the situation. Austin cautioned Texians to remain on the defensive, as any unprovoked attacks against Mexican forces could limit the support Texians might receive from the United States if war officially began. On September 27, 1835, a detachment of 100 dragoons, led by Francisco de Castañeda, left San Antonio de Béxar, carrying an official order for Ponton to surrender the cannon. Castañeda had been instructed to avoid using force if possible. When the troops neared Gonzales on September 29, they found that the settlers had removed the ferry and all other boats from the Guadalupe River. On the other side of the swiftly moving river waited eighteen Texians. Albert Martin, captain of the Gonzales militia, informed the soldiers that Ponton was out of town, and until his return the army must remain on the west side of the river. With no easy way to cross the river, Castañeda and his men made camp at the highest ground in the area, about 300 yards (300 meters) from the river.

Three Texians hurried to bury the cannon, while others traveled to nearby communities to ask for assistance. By the end of the day, more than 80 men had arrived from Fayette and Columbus. Texian militias generally elected their own leaders, and the men now gathered in Gonzales invoked their right to choose their own captain rather than report to Martin. John Henry Moore of Fayette was elected leader, with Joseph Washington Elliot Wallace and Edward Burleson, both of Columbus, respectively elected second and third in command. On September 30, Castañeda reiterated his request for the cannon and was again rebuffed. Texians insisted on discussing the matter directly with Ugartechea. According to their spokesman, until this was possible "the only answer I can therefore give you is that I cannot now [and] will not deliver to you the cannon". Castañeda reported to Ugartechea that the Texians were stalling, likely to give reinforcements time to gather.

In San Antonio de Béxar, Ugartechea asked Dr. Launcelot Smither, a Gonzales resident in town on personal business, to help Castañeda convince the settlers to follow orders. When Smither arrived on October 1, he met with militia captain Mathew Caldwell to explain that the soldiers meant no harm if the settlers would peacefully relinquish the cannon. Caldwell instructed Smither to bring Castañeda to the town the following morning to discuss the matter. At roughly the same time, Moore called a war council, which quickly voted to initiate a fight. It is unclear whether the war council was aware that Caldwell had promised Castañeda safe passage to Gonzales the next morning. Texians dug up the cannon and mounted it on cart wheels. In the absence of cannonballs, they gathered metal scraps to fill the cannon. James C. Neill, who had served in an artillery company during the War of 1812, was given command of the cannon. He gathered several men, including Almaron Dickinson, together to form the first artillery company of Texians. A local Methodist minister, W. P. Smith, blessed their activities in a sermon which made frequent reference to the American Revolution.

As the Texians made plans for an attack, Castañeda learned from a Coushatta Indian that about 140 men were gathered in Gonzales, with more expected. The Mexican soldiers began searching for a safe place to cross the river. At nightfall on October 1 they stopped to make camp, 7 miles (11 km) upriver from their previous spot. Texians began crossing the river at about 7 pm. Less than half of the men were mounted, slowing their progress as they tracked the Mexican soldiers. A thick fog rolled in around midnight, further delaying them. At around 3 am, Texians reached the new Mexican camp. A dog barked at their approach, alerting the Mexican soldiers, who began to fire. The noise caused one of the Texian horses to panic and throw his rider, who suffered a bloody nose. Moore and his men hid in the thick trees until dawn. As they waited, some of the Texians raided a nearby field and snacked on watermelon. With the darkness and fog, Mexican soldiers could not estimate how many men had surrounded them. They withdrew 300 yards (meters) to a nearby bluff.

At about 6 am, Texians emerged from the trees and began firing at the Mexican soldiers. Lieutenant Gregorio Pérez counterattacked with 40 mounted soldiers. The Texians fell back to the trees and fired a volley, injuring a Mexican private. According to some accounts, the cannon fell out of the wagon upon the shot. Unable to safely maneuver among the trees, the Mexican horsemen returned to the bluff. As the fog lifted, Castañeda sent Smither to request a meeting between the two commanders. Smither was promptly arrested by the Texians, who were suspicious of his presence among the Mexican soldiers. Nevertheless, Moore agreed to meet Castañeda. Moore explained that his followers no longer recognized the centralist government of Santa Anna and instead remained faithful to the Constitution of 1824, which Santa Anna had repudiated. Castañeda revealed that he shared their federalist leanings, but that he was honor-bound to follow orders.

As Moore returned to camp, the Texians raised a homemade white banner with an image of the cannon painted in black in the center, over the words "Come and Take It". The makeshift flag evoked the American Revolutionary-era slogan "Don't Tread on Me". Texians then fired their cannon at the Mexican camp. Realizing that he was outnumbered and outgunned, Castañeda led his troops back to San Antonio de Béxar. The troops were gone before the Texians finished reloading. In his report to Ugartechea, Castañeda wrote "since the orders from your Lordship were for me to withdraw without compromising the honor of Mexican arms, I did so".One spirit and one purpose animates the people of this party of the country, and that is to take Bexar, and drive the military out of Texas. ... A combined effort of all Texas would soon free our soil of Military despots—we should then have peace, for the present Government of Mexico have too much to do at home ... to send another army to Texas.

Two Mexican soldiers were killed in the attack. The only Texian casualty was the bloody nose suffered by the man bucked off his horse. Although the event was, as characterized by Davis, "an inconsequential skirmish in which one side did not try to fight", Texians soon declared it a victory over Mexican troops. Despite its minimal military impact, Hardin asserts that the skirmish's "political significance was immeasurable". A large number of Texians had taken an armed stand against the Mexican army, and they had no intention of returning to their neutral stance towards Santa Anna's government. Two days after the battle, Austin wrote to the San Felipe de Austin Committee of Public Safety, "War is declared—public opinion has proclaimed it against a Military despotism—The campaign has commenced". News of the skirmish, originally called "the fight at Williams' place", spread throughout the United States, encouraging many adventurers to come to Texas and assist in the fight against Mexico.

Newspapers referred to the conflict as the "Lexington of Texas"; as the Battles of Lexington and Concord began the American Revolution, the Gonzales skirmish launched the Texas Revolution. Before fighting had officially erupted, Santa Anna had realized that stronger measures were needed to ensure calm in Texas. He ordered his brother-in-law, General Martín Perfecto de Cos to bring approximately 500 soldiers to Texas. Cos and his men arrived in Goliad on October 2. Three days later, after learning of the events at Gonzales, the soldiers left for San Antonio de Béxar. Gonzales became a rallying point for Texians opposed to Santa Anna's policies. On October 11, they unanimously elected Austin their commander, despite his lack of military training. The following day, Austin led the men on a march towards San Antonio de Béxar to lay siege to Cos's troops. By the end of the year, the Texians had driven all Mexican troops from Texas. The cannon's fate is disputed. According to the memoirs (written in the 1890s) of Gonzales blacksmith Noah Smithwick, the cannon was abandoned after the cart's axles began to smoke during a march to San Antonio de Béxar to assist in Austin's siege.

Smithwick reported that the cannon was buried near a creek not far from Gonzales. A small iron cannon was exposed during a June 1936 flood near Gonzales. In 1979, this cannon was purchased by Dr. Patrick Wagner, who believed it matched Smithwick's descriptions of the cannon used in the battle. The Curator of Military History at the Smithsonian Institution verified that Wagner's cannon was a type of small swivel gun used in America through 1836. The Conservation Laboratory at the University of Texas confirmed that Wagner's cannon had been buried in moist ground for an extended time period. Writing in The Handbook of Texas, historian Thomas Ricks Lindley maintains that the Wagner cannon does not match the Smithwick account. The Wagner gun is made of iron and is smaller than a six-pounder. Historians such as Lindley think it more likely that the Gonzales cannon was taken to San Antonio de Béxar, where it was used during the Battle of the Alamo and captured by Mexican troops in March 1836. It was likely melted down with many of the other cannons when the Mexican army retreated.

The Siege of Bexar 

There were Francis, Luke, and William Moore, also there were E. Stevens Mora at the siege. Texian morale began to drop severely, and with winter approaching and supplies running low, Burleson considered withdrawing into winter quarters. In a council of war, Burleson's officers overruled his decision to withdraw, and the army stayed. One of the officers who adamantly opposed the withdrawal was Colonel Ben Milam. Undaunted, Milam stalked into the Texian camp and called out "Who will go with old Ben Milam into San Antonio?" 300 soldiers cheered their support for Milam. Reports from a captured Mexican soldier and escaped Texian prisoners alerted Burleson that Mexican morale was just as low. Burleson ordered a two-column attack.

One attack was to be carried out by Milam's troops, and the other was to be carried out by those of Colonel Francis W. Johnson. On December 5, Milam and Johnson launched a surprise attack and seized two houses in the Military Plaza (one of the houses seized belonged to the in-laws of Jim Bowie). The Texians were unable to advance any further that day, but they fortified the houses and remained there during the night, digging trenches and destroying nearby buildings. On December 7, the attack continued, and Milam's force captured another foothold in the city. However, Milam was killed while leading the attack. Colonel Johnson subsequently took command of both his and Milam's men and continued the street fighting, gradually driving the Mexicans back into the city. Cos withdrew into the Alamo, where he was joined by Colonel Ugartechea and 600 reinforcements, but it was too late. Cos entrenched his position, and Texian artillery pounded the fortified mission. As the Texians advanced closer to the plazas, Cos realized that his best defensive position would be within the Alamo Mission just outside Bexar. In his official report to Santa Anna, Cos wrote that ""In such critical circumstances there was no other measure than to advance and occupy the Alamo which, due to its small size and military position, was easier to hold.

In doing so, I took with me the artillery, packs and the rest of the utensils I was able to transport.” At 1 a.m. on December 9, the cavalry began to pull back towards the Alamo. Colonel Nicolas Condell, his small force of 50 men from the Morelos and Tamaulipas units, and two cannon remained as the rear guard at the plaza. Years later, however, Sanchez Navarro maintained that Cos was not planning to abandon the town but wished to move the wounded to the relative safety of the Alamo. Inside the Alamo, Cos presented a plan for a counterattack; cavalry officers believed that they would be surrounded by Texians and refused their orders. Possibly 175–soldiers from four of the cavalry companies left the mission and rode south. According to Barr, Cos ran after the horseman to tell them to stop and was almost run down. For a brief period, those in the mission believed that Cos might have been killed. Sanchez Navarro said the troops were not deserting but misunderstood their orders and were withdrawing all the way to the Rio Grande. By daylight, only 120 experienced infantry remained in the Mexican garrison. Cos called Sanchez Navarro to the Alamo and gave him orders to "go save those brave men.

Approach the enemy and obtain the best terms possible". Sanchez Navarro first returned to his post at the plaza to inform the soldiers of the imminent surrender. Several officers argued with him, explaining that "the Morelos Battalion has never surrendered", but Sanchez Navarro held firm to his orders. Bugle calls for a parley received no response from the Texians, and at 7 am Sanchez Navarro raised a flag of truce. Father de la Garza and William Cooke came forward to escort Sanchez Navarro and two other officers to Johnson, who summoned Burleson. When Burleson arrived two hours later, he found that the Mexican soldiers did not have written authorization from Cos. One of the Mexican officers was sent to bring back formal permission for the surrender. Burleson agreed to an immediate cease-fire, and negotiations began. Johnson, Morris, and James Swisher represented the Texians, while José Miguel de Arciniega and John Cameron interpreted. The men haggled for much of the day before reaching terms at 2 a.m. on December 10. According to the terms of the agreement, Mexican troops could remain in the Alamo for six days to prepare for the trip to the Mexican interior.

During that time frame, Mexican and Texian troops were not to carry arms if they interacted. Regular soldiers who had established ties to the area could remain in Bexar; all recently arrived troops were expected to return to Mexico. Each Mexican soldier would receive a musket and ten rounds of ammunition, and the Texians would allow one four-pound cannon and ten rounds of powder and shot to accompany the troops. All other weapons and all supplies would remain with the Texians, who agreed to sell some of the provisions to the Mexicans for their journey. As the final term of their parole, all of Cos's men were required to pledge that they would not fight against the Constitution of 1824. At 10 a.m. on December 11, the Texian army paraded. Johnson presented the terms of surrender and asked for the army's approval, stressing that the Texians had little ammunition left to continue the fight. Most of the Texians voted in favor of the surrender, although some termed it a "child's bargain", too weak to be useful. The Siege of Bexar was the longest Texian campaign of the Texas Revolution, and according to Barr, it was "the only major Texian success other than San Jacinto". According to Barr, of the 780 Texians who had participated in some way in the battle, between 30 and 35 were wounded, with 5 or 6 killed. Historian Stephen Hardin places the Texian casualties slightly lower, with 4 killed and 14 wounded. The losses were spread evenly amongst Texas residents and newcomers from the United States. Although some Texians estimated that as many as 300 Mexican soldiers were killed, historians agree that it likely that a total of 150 Mexican soldiers were killed or wounded during the five-day battle.

About two-thirds of the Mexican casualties came from the infantry units defending the plazas. To celebrate their victory, Texian troops threw a fandango on the evening of December 10. Governor Henry Smith and the governing council sent a letter to the army, calling the soldiers "invincible" and "the brave sons of Washington and freedom". After the war, those who could prove they had participated in this campaign were granted 320 acres (130 ha) of land. Eventually, 504 claims were certified. At least 79 of the Texians who participated later died at the Battle of the Alamo or the Goliad Massacre, and 90 participated in the final battle of the Texas Revolution, at San Jacinto. The Texians confiscated 400 small arms, 20 cannon, and supplies, uniforms, and equipment. During the siege, Cos's men had strengthened the Alamo mission, and the Texians chose to concentrate their forces within the Alamo rather than continue to fortify the plazas. Cos left Bexar on December 14 with 800 men.

The soldiers who were too weak to travel were left in the care of the Texian doctors. With his departure, there was no longer an organized garrison of Mexican troops in Texas, and many of the Texians believed that the war was over. Johnson described the battle as "the period put to our present war". Burleson resigned his leadership of the army on December 15 and returned to his home. Many of the men did likewise, and Johnson assumed command of the soldiers who remained. Soon after, a new contingent of Texians and volunteers from the United States arrived with more heavy artillery.

According to Barr, the large number of American volunteers "contributed to the Mexican view that Texian opposition stemmed from outside influences. That belief may have contributed in turn to Santa Anna's order of 'no quarter' in his 1836 campaign." Santa Anna was outraged that Cos had surrendered. Already in preparations to move a larger army to Texas, Santa Anna moved quickly on hearing of his brother-in-law's defeat, and by late December 1835 had begun to move his Army of Operations northward. Although many of his officers disagreed with the decision to march towards the Texian interior rather than take a coastal approach, Santa Anna was determined to first take Bexar and avenge his family's honor.

The Battle of the Alamo
At the battle of the Alamo was the main turning point for the Texans. Even thou the Texans lost this battle to the Mexicans, it gave the Texans the fighting spirits to defeat and won their independence from Mexico. Amongst the brave defenders were Robert B. Moore from Virginia and Willis A. Moore from North Carolina.

The first night of the siege was relatively quiet. Over the next few days, Mexican soldiers established artillery batteries, initially about 1,000 feet (300 m) from the south and east walls of the Alamo. A third battery was positioned southeast of the fort. Each night the batteries inched closer to the Alamo walls. During the first week of the siege more than 200 cannonballs landed in the Alamo plaza. At first the Texians matched Mexican artillery fire, often reusing the Mexican cannonballs. On February 26 Travis ordered the artillery to conserve powder and shot. Two notable events occurred on Wednesday, February 24. At some point that day, Bowie collapsed from illness, leaving Travis in sole command of the garrison. Late that afternoon, two Mexican scouts became the first fatalities of the siege. The following morning, 200–300 Mexican soldiers crossed the San Antonio River and took cover in abandoned shacks near the Alamo walls. Several Texians ventured out to burn the huts while Texians within the Alamo provided cover fire.After a two-hour skirmish the Mexican troops retreated to Béxar. Six Mexican soldiers were killed and four others were wounded. No Texians were injured. A blue norther blew in on February 25, dropping the temperature to 39 °F (4 °C). Neither army was prepared for the cold temperatures.

Texian attempts to gather firewood were thwarted by Mexican troops. On the evening of February 26 Colonel Juan Bringas engaged several Texians who were burning more huts. According to historian J.R. Edmondson, one Texian was killed. Four days later, Texians shot and killed Private First Class Secundino Alvarez, a soldier from one of two battalions that Santa Anna had stationed on two sides of the Alamo. By March 1, the number of Mexican casualties were nine dead and four wounded, while the Texian garrison had lost only one man. Santa Anna posted one company east of the Alamo, on the road to Gonzales. Almonte and 800 dragoons were stationed along the road to Goliad. Throughout the siege these towns had received multiple couriers, dispatched by Travis to plead for reinforcements and supplies. The most famous of his missives, written February 24, was addressed To the People of Texas & All Americans in the World.

According to historian Mary Deborah Petite, the letter is "considered by many as one of the masterpieces of American patriotism." Copies of the letter were distributed across Texas, and eventually reprinted throughout the United States and much of Europe. At the end of the first day of the siege, Santa Anna's troops were reinforced by 600 men under General Joaquin Ramirez y Sesma, bringing the Mexican army up to more than 2,000 men. As news of the siege spread throughout Texas, potential reinforcements gathered in Gonzales. They hoped to rendezvous with Colonel James Fannin, who was expected to arrive from Goliad with his garrison. On February 26, after days of indecision, Fannin ordered 320 men, four cannons, and several supply wagons to march towards the Alamo, 90 miles (140 km) away. This group traveled less than 1.0 mile (1.6 km) before turning back.Fannin blamed the retreat on his officers; the officers and enlisted men accused Fannin of aborting the mission. Texians gathered in Gonzales were unaware of Fannin's return to Goliad, and most continued to wait. Impatient with the delay, on February 27 Travis ordered Samuel G. Bastian to go to Gonzales "to hurry up reinforcements".

According to historian Thomas Ricks Lindley, Bastian encountered the Gonzales Ranging Company led by Lieutenant George C. Kimble and Travis' courier to Gonzales, Albert Martin, who had tired of waiting for Fannin. A Mexican patrol attacked, driving off four of the men including Bastian. In the darkness, the Texians fired on the remaining 32 men, whom they assumed were Mexican soldiers. One man was wounded, and his English curses convinced the defenders to open the gates. On March 3, the Texians watched from the walls as approximately 1,000 Mexicans marched into Béxar. The Mexican army celebrated loudly throughout the afternoon, both in honor of their reinforcements and at the news that troops under General José de Urrea had soundly defeated Texian Colonel Frank W. Johnson at the Battle of San Patricio on February 27. Most of the Texians in the Alamo believed that Sesma had been leading the Mexican forces during the siege, and they mistakenly attributed the celebration to the arrival of Santa Anna. The reinforcements brought the number of Mexican soldiers in Béxar to almost 3,100.

The arrival of the Mexican reinforcements prompted Travis to send three men, including Davy Crockett, to find Fannin's force, which he still believed to be en route. The scouts discovered a large group of Texians camped 20 miles (32 km) from the Alamo. Lindley's research indicates that up to 50 of these men had come from Goliad after Fannin's aborted rescue mission. The others had left Gonzales several days earlier. Just before daylight on March 4, part of the Texian force broke through Mexican lines and entered the Alamo. Mexican soldiers drove a second group across the prairie. On March 4, the day after his reinforcements arrived, Santa Anna proposed an assault on the Alamo. Many of his senior officers recommended that they wait for two 12pounder cannons anticipated to arrive on March 7. That evening, a local woman, likely Bowie's cousin-in-law Juana Navarro Alsbury, approached Santa Anna to negotiate a surrender for the Alamo defenders. According to many historians, this visit probably increased Santa Anna's impatience; as historian Timothy Todish noted, "there would have been little glory in a bloodless victory". The following morning, Santa Anna announced to his staff that the assault would take place early on March 6.

Santa Anna arranged for troops from Béxar to be excused from the front lines so that they would not be forced to fight their own families. Legend holds that at some point on March 5, Travis gathered his men and explained that an attack was imminent, and that they were greatly outnumbered by the Mexican Army. He supposedly drew a line in the ground and asked those willing to die for the Texian cause to cross and stand alongside him; only one man (Moses Rose) was said to have declined. Most scholars disregard this tale as there is no primary source evidence to support it (the story only surfaced decades after the battle in a third-hand account). However, Travis apparently did, at some point prior to the final assault, assemble the men for a conference to inform them of the dire situation and giving them the chance to either escape or stay and die for the cause. Susannah Dickinson recalled Travis announcing that any men who wished to escape should let it be known and step out of ranks.

The last Texian verified to have left the Alamo was James Allen, a courier who carried personal messages from Travis and several of the other men on March 5. At 10 p.m. on March 5, the Mexican artillery ceased their bombardment. As Santa Anna had anticipated, the exhausted Texians soon fell into the first uninterrupted sleep many of them had since the siege began. Just after midnight, more than 2,000 Mexican soldiers began preparing for the final assault. Fewer than 1,800 were divided into four columns, commanded by Cos, Colonel Francisco Duque, Colonel José María Romero and Colonel Juan Morales. Veterans were positioned on the outside of the columns to better control the new recruits and conscripts in the middle. As a precaution, 500 Mexican cavalry were positioned around the Alamo to prevent escape of either Texian or Mexican soldiers. Santa Anna remained in camp with the 400 reserves. Despite the bitter cold, the soldiers were ordered not to wear overcoats which could impede their movements. Clouds concealed the moon and thus the movements of the soldiers.

At 5:30 a.m. troops silently advanced. Cos and his men approached the northwest corner of the Alamo, while Duque led his men from the northwest towards a repaired breach in the Alamo's north wall. The column commanded by Romero marched towards the east wall, and Morales's column aimed for the low parapet by the chapel. The three Texian sentinels stationed outside the walls were killed in their sleep, allowing Mexican soldiers to approach undetected within musket range of the walls. At this point, the silence was broken by shouts of "¡Viva Santa Anna!" and music from the buglers. The noise woke the Texians. Most of the noncombatants gathered in the church sacristy for safety. Travis rushed to his post yelling, "Come on boys, the Mexicans are upon us and we'll give them hell!" and, as he passed a group of Tejanos, "¡No rendirse, muchachos!" ("Don't surrender, boys"). In the initial moments of the assault Mexican troops were at a disadvantage. Their column formation allowed only the front rows of soldiers to fire safely. Unaware of the dangers, the untrained recruits in the ranks "blindly fir[ed] their guns", injuring or killing the troops in front of them.

The tight concentration of troops also offered an excellent target for the Texian artillery. Lacking canister shot, Texians filled their cannon with any metal they could find, including door hinges, nails, and chopped up horseshoes, essentially turning the cannon into giant shotguns. According to the diary of José Enrique de la Peña, "a single cannon volley did away with half the company of chasseurs from Toluca". Duque fell from his horse after suffering a wound in his thigh and was almost trampled by his own men. General Manuel Castrillón quickly assumed command of Duque's column. Although some in the front of the Mexican ranks wavered, soldiers in the rear pushed them on. As the troops massed against the walls, Texians were forced to lean over the walls to shoot, leaving them exposed to Mexican fire.

Travis became one of the first defenders to die, shot while firing his shotgun into the soldiers below him, though one source says that he drew his sword and stabbed a Mexican officer who had stormed the wall before succumbing to his injury. Few of the Mexican ladders reached the walls. The few soldiers who were able to climb the ladders were quickly killed or beaten back. As the Texians discharged their previously loaded rifles, however, they found it increasingly difficult to reload while attempting to keep Mexican soldiers from scaling the walls. Mexican soldiers withdrew and regrouped, but their second attack was repulsed. Fifteen minutes into the battle, they attacked a third time. During the third strike, Romero's column, aiming for the east wall, was exposed to cannon fire and shifted to the north, mingling with the second column. Cos' column, under fire from Texians on the west wall, also veered north. When Santa Anna saw that the bulk of his army was massed against the north wall, he feared a rout; "panicked", he sent the reserves into the same area.

The Mexican soldiers closest to the north wall realized that the makeshift wall contained many gaps and toeholds. One of the first to scale the 12-foot (3.7 m) wall was General Juan Amador; at his challenge, his men began swarming up the wall. Amador opened the postern in the north wall, allowing Mexican soldiers to pour into the complex. Others climbed through gun ports in the west wall, which had few defenders. As the Texian defenders abandoned the north wall and the northern end of the west wall, Texian gunners at the south end of the mission turned their cannon towards the north and fired into the advancing Mexican soldiers. This left the south end of the mission unprotected; within minutes Mexican soldiers had climbed the walls and killed the gunners, gaining control of the Alamo's 18pounder cannon. By this time Romero's men had taken the east wall of the compound and were pouring in through the cattle pen. As previously planned, most of the Texians fell back to the barracks and the chapel. Holes had been carved in the walls to allow the Texians to fire. Unable to reach the barracks, Texians stationed along the west wall headed west for the San Antonio River.

When the cavalry charged, the Texians took cover and began firing from a ditch. Sesma was forced to send reinforcements, and the Texians were eventually killed. Sesma reported that this skirmish involved 50 Texians, but Edmondson believes that number was inflated. The defenders in the cattle pen retreated into the horse corral. After discharging their weapons, the small band of Texians scrambled over the low wall, circled behind the church and raced on foot for the east prairie, which appeared empty. As the Mexican cavalry advanced on the group, Almaron Dickinson and his artillery crew turned a cannon around and fired into the cavalry, probably inflicting casualties. Nevertheless, all of the escaping Texians were killed. The last Texian group to remain in the open were Crockett and his men, defending the low wall in front of the church. Unable to reload, they used their rifles as clubs and fought with knives. After a volley of fire and a wave of Mexican bayonets, the few remaining Texians in this group fell back towards the church.

The Mexican army now controlled all of the outer walls and the interior of the Alamo compound except for the church and rooms along the east and west walls. Mexican soldiers turned their attention to a Texian flag waving from the roof of one building. Four Mexicans were killed before the flag of Mexico was raised in that location. For the next hour, the Mexican army worked to secure complete control of the Alamo. Many of the remaining defenders were ensconced in the fortified barracks rooms. In the confusion, the Texians had neglected to spike their cannon before retreating. Mexican soldiers turned the cannon towards the barracks. As each door was blown off Mexican soldiers would fire a volley of muskets into the dark room, then charge in for hand-to-hand combat. Too sick to participate in the battle, Bowie likely died in bed. Eyewitnesses to the battle gave conflicting accounts of his death. Some witnesses maintained that they saw several Mexican soldiers enter Bowie's room, bayonet him, and carry him alive from the room. Others claimed that Bowie shot himself or was killed by soldiers while too weak to lift his head. According to historian Wallace Chariton, the "most popular, and probably the most accurate" version is that Bowie died on his cot, "back braced against the wall, and using his pistols and his famous knife." The last of the Texians to die were the 11 men manning the two 12-pounder cannon in the chapel.

A shot from the 18 pounder cannon destroyed the barricades at the front of the church, and Mexican soldiers entered the building after firing an initial musket volley. Dickinson's crew fired their cannon from the apse into the Mexican soldiers at the door. With no time to reload, the Texians, including Dickinson, Gregorio Esparza and James Bonham, grabbed rifles and fired before being bayoneted to death. Texian Robert Evans, the master of ordnance, had been tasked with keeping the gunpowder from falling into Mexican hands. Wounded, he crawled towards the powder magazine but was killed by a musket ball with his torch only inches from the powder. Had he succeeded, the blast would have destroyed the church and killed the women and children hiding in the sacristy. As soldiers approached the sacristy, one of the young sons of defender Anthony Wolf stood to pull a blanket over his shoulders. In the dark, Mexican soldiers mistook him for an adult and killed him.

Possibly the last Texian to die in battle was Jacob Walker, who attempted to hide behind Susannah Dickinson and was bayoneted in front of the women. Another Texian, Brigido Guerrero, also sought refuge in the sacristy. Guerrero, who had deserted from the Mexican Army in December 1835, was spared after convincing the soldiers he was a Texian prisoner. By 6:30 a.m. the battle for the Alamo was over. Mexican soldiers inspected each corpse, bayoneting any body that moved. Even with all of the Texians dead, Mexican soldiers continued to shoot, some killing each other in the confusion. Mexican generals were unable to stop the bloodlust and appealed to Santa Anna for help. Although the general showed himself, the violence continued and the buglers were finally ordered to sound a retreat. For 15 minutes after that, soldiers continued to fire into dead bodies. According to many accounts of the battle, between five and seven Texians surrendered. Incensed that his orders had been ignored, Santa Anna demanded the immediate execution of the survivors.

Weeks after the battle, stories circulated that Crockett was among those who surrendered. However, Ben, a former American slave who cooked for one of Santa Anna's officers, maintained that Crockett's body was found surrounded by "no less than sixteen Mexican corpses". Historians disagree on which version of Crockett's death is accurate. Santa Anna reportedly told Captain Fernando Urizza that the battle "was but a small affair". Another officer then remarked that "with another such victory as this, we'll go to the devil". In his initial report Santa Anna claimed that 600 Texians had been killed, with only 70 Mexican soldiers killed and 300 wounded. His secretary, Ramón Martínez Caro, later repudiated the report. Other estimates of the number of Mexican soldiers killed ranged from 60–200, with an additional 250–300 wounded. Most Alamo historians place the number of Mexican casualties at 400–600. This would represent about one-third of the Mexican soldiers involved in the final assault, which Todish remarks is "a tremendous casualty rate by any standards". Most eyewitnesses counted between 182–257 Texians killed. Some historians believe that at least one Texian, Henry Warnell, successfully escaped from the battle. Warnell died several months later of wounds incurred either during the final battle or during his escape as a courier. Mexican soldiers were buried in the local cemetery, Campo Santo. Shortly after the battle, Colonel José Juan Sanchez Navarro proposed that a monument should be erected to the fallen Mexican soldiers. Cos rejected the idea. The Texian bodies were stacked and burned.

The only exception was the body of Gregorio Esparza. His brother Francisco, an officer in Santa Anna's army, received permission to give Gregorio a proper burial. The ashes were left where they fell until February 1837, when Juan Seguin returned to Béxar to examine the remains. A simple coffin inscribed with the names Travis, Crockett, and Bowie was filled with ashes from the funeral pyres. According to a March 28, 1837, article in the Telegraph and Texas Register, Seguin buried the coffin under a peach tree grove. The spot was not marked and cannot now be identified. Seguín later claimed that he had placed the coffin in front of the altar at the San Fernando Cathedral. In July 1936 a coffin was discovered buried in that location, but according to historian Wallace Chariton it is unlikely to actually contain the remains of the Alamo defenders. Fragments of uniforms were found in the coffin, and it is known that the Alamo defenders did not wear uniforms.

The Battle of San Jacinto 
This battle was the last and decisive battle. This battle, the Texans army was about to get their revenge for their brothers who perish at the Alamo. The following clansmen who were engage at this battle were Captain Isaac N. Moreland of the regular artillery, 1st Corporal Robert Moore, Privates Robert and Samuel Moore of the Infantry company B Volunteers, Corporal William Moore and Private William A. Moore of the infantry of the 1st regiment, Private Robert D. Moore of the 1st regiment of D company, John D. Moore of the rear guard opposite Harrish compose of Splane's company, Azarian G. Moore of Arnold's company and Lewis and Morris Moore in Ware's company. The area along Buffalo Bayou had many thick oak groves, separated by marshes. This type of terrain was familiar to the Texians and quite alien to the Mexican soldiers. Houston's army, comprising 900 men, reached Lynch's Ferry mid-morning on April 20; Santa Anna's 700-man force arrived a few hours later. The Texians made camp in a wooded area along the bank of Buffalo Bayou; while the location provided good cover and helped hide their full strength, it also left the Texians no room for retreat.

Over the protests of several of his officers, Santa Anna chose to make camp in a vulnerable location, a plain near the San Jacinto River, bordered by woods on one side, marsh and lake on another. The two camps were approximately 500 yards (460 m) apart, separated by a grassy area with a slight rise in the middle.Colonel Pedro Delgado later wrote that "the camping ground of His Excellency's selection was in all respects, against military rules. Any youngster would have done better." Over the next several hours, two brief skirmishes occurred. Texians won the first, forcing a small group of dragoons and the Mexican artillery to withdraw. Mexican dragoons then forced the Texian cavalry to withdraw. In the melee, Rusk, on foot to reload his rifle, was almost captured by Mexican soldiers, but was rescued by newly arrived Texian volunteer Mirabeau B. Lamar.

Over Houston's objections, many infantrymen rushed onto the field. As the Texian cavalry fell back, Lamar remained behind to rescue another Texian who had been thrown from his horse; Mexican officers "reportedly applauded" his bravery. Houston was irate that the infantry had disobeyed his orders and given Santa Anna a better estimate of their strength; the men were equally upset that Houston had not allowed a full battle.Throughout the night, Mexican troops worked to fortify their camp, creating breastworks out of everything they could find, including saddles and brush. At 9 a.m. on April 21, Cos arrived with 540 reinforcements, bringing the Mexican force to 1,200 men, which outnumbered the Texians. Cos' men were raw recruits rather than experienced soldiers, and they had marched steadily for more than 24 hours, with no rest and no food. As the morning wore on with no Texian attack, Mexican officers lowered their guard. By afternoon, Santa Anna had given permission for Cos' men to sleep; his own tired troops also took advantage of the time to rest, eat, and bathe. Not long after the Mexican reinforcements arrived, Houston ordered Smith to destroy Vince's Bridge, 5 miles (8.0 km) away, to slow down any further Mexican reinforcements. At 4 p.m. the Texians began creeping quietly through the tall grass, pulling the cannon behind them.

The Texian cannon fired at 4:30, beginning the battle of San Jacinto. After a single volley, Texians broke ranks and swarmed over the Mexican breastworks to engage in hand-tohand combat. Mexican soldiers were taken completely by surprise. Santa Anna, Castrillón, and Almonte yelled often conflicting orders, attempting to organize their men into some form of defense. Within 18 minutes, Mexican soldiers abandoned their campsite and fled for their lives. The killing lasted for hours. Many Mexican soldiers retreated through the marsh to Peggy Lake. Texian riflemen stationed themselves on the banks and shot at anything that moved. Many Texian officers, including Houston and Rusk, attempted to stop the slaughter, but they were unable to gain control of the men. Texians continued to chant "Remember the Alamo! Remember Goliad!" while frightened Mexican infantry yelled "Me no Alamo!" and begged for mercy to no avail. In what historian Davis called "one of the most one-sided victories in history", 650 Mexican soldiers were killed and 300 captured. Eleven Texians died, with 30 others, including Houston, wounded.

Although Santa Anna's troops had been thoroughly vanquished, they did not represent the bulk of the Mexican army in Texas. An additional 4,000 troops remained under the commands of Urrea and General Vicente Filisola. Texians had won the battle due to mistakes made by Santa Anna, and Houston was well aware that his troops would have little hope of repeating their victory against Urrea or Filisola. As darkness fell, a large group of prisoners were led into camp. Houston initially mistook the group for Mexican reinforcements and shouted out that all was lost.